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                <text>Le travail comparatif que nous avons choisi de mener sur le phénomène des résidences secondaires s'appuie sur des enquêtes ethnographiques réalisées d'une part en France dans le département de l'Ain et le haut pays des Alpes Maritimes, en milieu rural donc et dans des zones faiblement touristiques, et d'autre part en Russie dans les régions de Moscou et de Yaroslav. Cette étude est animée par notre intérêt pour la compréhension des façons d'habiter et d'utiliser ces espaces. Il s'agit pour nous d'observer les conséquences de bouleversements socio-économiques sur les usages du rural à partir d'un objet d'étude unique. Sachant qu'en Russie comme en France, le phénomène des résidences secondaires se caractérise par son ancienneté et son extension géographique et sociale, l'évolution contemporaine de ce phénomène nous paraît particulièrement révélatrice de la pression que peuvent exercer l'économie et le social sur l'usage du monde rural, de même que des relations qu'entretiennent espaces ruraux et espaces urbains.</text>
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                <text>Nouvelles urbanités, nouvelles ruralités en Europe</text>
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            <description>The topic of the resource</description>
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                <text>[SHS:ANTHRO_SE] Humanities and Social Sciences/Social Anthropology and ethnology</text>
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                <text>CIRCULER ENTRE VILLE ET CAMPAGNE &lt;br /&gt;évolution de l'usage des résidences secondaires en France et en Russie</text>
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                <text>Knell, Simon J. Supervisor</text>
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                <text>This study situates the commercial gallery operator, or ‘gallerist’, in the context of art world conceptions. Specifically it examines the contexts and activities of gallerists in Copenhagen, London’s East End and in Reykjavik in the era of the Young British Artists and the revitalised art market that phenomenon engendered. Drawing upon interviews with gallerists and studies of urban culture and environments, this thesis reveals that gallerists are driven by creativity and artistic vision, often at the expense of market awareness. The London and Copenhagen gallerists saw themselves as pioneers who through their actions not only established new art businesses but developed new cultural quarters in these cities. The tiny capital city of Reykjavík exposed the significance of scale and position; its new galleries remained within the comfort zone of established art institutions in the city centre. They were small and internationally isolated, and appeared much like those found in provincial cities in larger countries. Copenhagen also lacked the world city status of London and its gallerists sought recognition and buyers through international art fairs. In contrast, London found itself at the heart of an international art world. Galleries were established in such numbers in the East End as to produce an art world momentum of its own. Gallerists in the more cosmopolitan settings of London and Copenhagen possessed a greater sense of community; those in constrained markets of Reykjavik retained a small-town competitiveness. The creative desires of gallerists were also reflected in their proactive pursuit of artists; it was they who decided what to show and who to patronise. While the majority of gallerists favoured art with a conceptual edge, all denied that they were specialising in this work. They emphasised the diversity of the works on sale. The London and Copenhagen markets were mature markets but those in Reykjavík appeared more regulated. Within these cities it was possible by these means to detect distinctive art worlds as products of, and woven into, the cities they inhabited.</text>
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                <text>art, gallery, gallerist, museum studies, urban culture, creativity</text>
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                <text>Commercial galleries in Copenhagen, London and Reykjavík: A comparative study of the formations, contexts and interactions of galleries founded between 1985 and 2002</text>
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                <text>Sous l'Ancien Régime, l'activité musicale dans les rues de Paris est le fait soit des membres de la Confrérie des ménétriers, soit le fait des chanteurs qui ont le statut de « vendeurs de chansons ». Entre ces deux métiers fermement contrôlés, la ville n'offre qu'un espace illicite aux musiciens non professionnels et donc mendiants. Au XIXe siècle, la préfecture de Police promulgue des ordonnances faisant obligation au musicien de rue d'obtenir une permission appropriée à sa spécialisation et de porter une médaille de métier. Le XXe siècle restreint encore les possibilités d'utilisation de la rue tandis qu'aujourd'hui le métro réglemente la pratique musicale selon des normes qui sont inspirées par celles de la rue. Archives policières et administratives, chroniques littéraires et images permettent d'établir le cadre juridique de ces pratiques mais aussi son contournement. La définition d'un espace intellectuel de liberté ou de censure accompagne ce paysage urbain et réglementaire.</text>
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                <text>http://halshs.archives-ouvertes.fr/docs/00/06/14/54/PDF/La_rue_parisienne_comme_espace_musical_reglemente.pdf</text>
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              <elementText elementTextId="536952">
                <text>Les cahiers de la société québéquoise de recherche en musique</text>
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                <text>Les cahiers de la société québéquoise de recherche en musique</text>
              </elementText>
              <elementText elementTextId="536954">
                <text>Les cahiers de la société québéquoise de recherche en musique</text>
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                <text>La rue parisienne comme espace musical réglementé (XVIIe-XXe siècles)</text>
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                <text>article in peer-reviewed journal</text>
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                <text>Ghorra-Gobin C. Lieu du transport et polycentrisme : une expérience américaine. In : Lombard Jérôme (ed.), Steck B. (ed.)  Transports aux suds : pouvoirs, lieux et liens. Autrepart, 2004, p. 37-50. </text>
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                <text>Favoriser les modes de déplacements doux et plus particulièrement le déplacement piéton exige de mener deux actions conjointes : réduire l'exposition au risque du piéton et réinventer le sens des espaces publics urbains (EPU). La première revient à intégrer la question du différentiel de vitesse entre l'usager motorisé, le cycliste et l'usager des transports en commun. Elle exige également la vigilance du piéton. La seconde action consiste à d'offrir un environnement facilitant " l'interaction " entre individus, un processus complexe puisqu'il s'agit d'aboutir dans l'instantané à une négociation entre intérêts a priori divergents et ce dans un contexte caractérisé par l'anonymat. L'interaction négociation revêt plus qu'une simple dimension psychologique puisqu'elle participe de l'apprentissage de l'altérité et de la reconnaissance de la dimension politique de la scène où elle se déroule. Aussi, valoriser la marche à pied exige d'établir une distinction entre (1) la gestion des flux de piétons et (2) la conceptualisation des espaces publics urbains (EPU) en vue de faciliter leur partage sur le mode éphémère. Toute action en faveur du déplacement piéton inclut une réflexion sur la réinvention du sens politique des EPU.</text>
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                <text>Le processus d'intégration des Latinos sur la scène métropolitaine ne se limite pas à leur insertion dans le marché du travail et le marché du logement. En effet les Latinos sont soucieux d'influencer l'aménagement urbain et plus particulièrement les espaces publics centraux.</text>
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                <text>Evoquer une ville et se limiter à son territoire municipal s'avère un exercice difficile dans la mesure où la dynamique métropolitaine englobe désormais plusieurs municipalités et comtés. Toutefois San Francisco (qui a le statut de ville et de comté) se distingue des autres métropoles américaines (en dehors peut-être de New York) parce qu'elle continue d'incarner la centralité urbaine et de rayonner sur l'ensemble du territoire métropolitain (San Francisco Bay Area) alors que son poids démographique est inférieur à celui de San José, la ville-phare de la Silicon Valley. L'analyse privilégie l'hypothèse de la densité urbaine et la qualité des espaces publics urbains (EPU) et plus particulièrement la rue comme la variable déterminante de la centralité du territoire métropolitain. Les EPU relèvent de la morphologie urbaine et renvoient également à la mobilisation politique de " pionniers urbains " -incluant notamment les communautés anti-conformistes- pour lutter contre les programmes d'aménagement de la municipalité.</text>
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                <text>San Francisco à l'ouest d'Eden</text>
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                <text>De la métropolisation : Un " nouveau " paradigme ? Résumé La métropolisation se présente depuis une dizaine d'années environ, comme un concept, voire même un " nouveau " paradigme toutes les fois qu'il est question de ville, de développement urbain et d'aménagement du territoire. Ce concept est principalement utilisé par les géographes et les économistes qui s'interrogent aussi bien sur les dynamiques spatiales à l'origine d'une extension de la ville sans aucune notion de limite que sur les ressorts de cette dynamique liés à la globalisation de l'économie. On parle moins de ville que de " territoire métropolitain " ou de " ville-région ". L'article a pour objectif de mettre en perspective tout les principaux éléments du discours sur le processus de métropolisation en s'appuyant aussi bien sur les corpus français qu'anglo-américains. Il souligne par ailleurs les " récents " coûts sociaux et écologiques engendrés par ce processus dans le but de clarifier certains enjeux politiques, aussi bien pour l'Etat que pour les acteurs territoriaux.</text>
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                <text>De la métropolisation : un nouveau paradigme?</text>
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