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A Presentation of the Baker-Nord Center for the Humanities</text>
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                <text>David Harvey discusses the concept of the right of the city, with a particular focus on political philosophy. Theorists and topics discussed include Marxism, the work of Henri Lefebvre and Haussmann's transformation of Paris.&#13;
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David Harvey is a Distinguished Professor at the City University of New York (CUNY), Director of The Center for Place, Culture and Politics, and author of numerous books.</text>
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&#13;
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Cities are humanity’s longest-lived organizations (Jericho dates back 10,500 years), but also the most constantly changing. Even in Europe they consume 2-3% of their material fabric a year, which means a wholly new city every 50 years. In the US and the developing world it’s much faster.&#13;
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Every week in the world a million new people move to cities. In 2007 50% of our 6.5 billion population will live in cities. In 1800 it was 3% of the total population then. In 1900 it was 14%. In 2030 it’s expected to be 61%. This is a tipping point. We’re becoming a city planet.&#13;
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Stewart Brand is an American writer, best known as editor of the Whole Earth Catalog. He founded a number of organizations including The WELL, the Global Business Network, and the Long Now Foundation. He is the author of several books, most recently Whole Earth Discipline.  &#13;
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L’avenir des villes est trop peu présent dans les débats politiques. Pourtant, c’est sans doute dans les villes que se jouera une partie du destin de l’humanité, car déjà plus de la moitié de la population de notre planète – près de 3 milliards d’individus – est aujourd’hui composée de citadins. Dans trente ans, c’est-à-dire demain, ils seront 5 milliards vivant dans plus d’une trentaine de mégapoles de plus de 10 millions d’habitants.&#13;
&#13;
Ce sont les villes qui poseront à l’avenir les problèmes les plus sérieux à l’humanité...&#13;
Les sociétés pourront-elles faire face à ces défis grâce à de nouvelles solidarités, grâce à l’innovation, aux réseaux intelligents, aux progrès des moyens de déplacement, à de nouvelles gouvernances adaptées à la maîtrise du phénomène urbain ? Pourront-elles créer suffisamment d’emplois pour les quartiers de ces villes tentaculaires ? Quelle sera la vie des femmes et des hommes dans ces futures mégapoles ? Quels scenarii prendre en compte pour agir dès maintenant sur les facteurs qui façonneront la ville de demain ? Quelles sont les réponses des prospectivistes et des urbanistes à ces questions qui interpellent le monde politique ?&#13;
&#13;
Vidéos disponibles :&#13;
&#13;
• Ouverture par M. Joël Bourdin, président de la délégation sénatoriale à la prospective&#13;
• Introduction par M. Jean-Pierre Sueur, ancien Ministre, sénateur du Loiret, rapporteur de la délégation sénatoriale à la prospective sur "les villes du futur"&#13;
&#13;
Table ronde 1 - la réponse des prospectivistes&#13;
&#13;
• Julien Damon, professeur associé à l'Institut des Sciences politiques de Paris : "Où mène l'urbanisation du monde ?"&#13;
• Jacques de Courson, président de l'ONG "Urbanistes du Monde" : "Quel est l'avenir des mégapoles ?"&#13;
• Marc Giget, président de l'institut européen de stratégies créatives et d'innovation, professeur au Centre Natonale des Arts et Métiers (CNAM) : "Vers des cités idéales ou des cités invivables ?"&#13;
• Débat avec la salle&#13;
&#13;
Table ronde 2 - la réponse des urbanistes&#13;
&#13;
• Antoine Grumbach, urbaniste et architecte, Agence Grumbach et Associés AGA : "Penser les villes du futur : utopies ou réalités ?"&#13;
• Pierre Veltz, urbaniste, enseignant membres du Conseil général des Pontes et chaussées, directeur général de l'Etablissement public de Saclay : "Pourra-t-on maîtriser le phénomène urbain ?"&#13;
• Louis Moutard, urbaniste et architecte, directeur de l'aménagement urbain de l'AREP : "Quelle vie dans les futures mégapoles ?"&#13;
• Débat avec la salle&#13;
&#13;
• Clôture de l'atelier, Jean-Pierre Sueur</text>
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Today, I want to do the impossible and talk about urbanization and urban growth in fifty minutes. I'll give the classic example, which is the greatest project of human intervention or rebuilding, that is the rebuilding of Paris. In doing so, I want to emphasize a couple points. One is that the nineteenth century was a period of phenomenal urban growth and urbanization. I will distinguish those in a minute. Secondly, one of the things that emerges out of this urban growth and urbanization, but particularly the growth of cities large and medium in the nineteenth century, is an increasing geography of class segregation.   Also, one of the things that I really enjoy talking about in trying to help people understand is why it is that European suburbs are not at all like American suburbs. Why is it that some people feared by elites were perched on the edge of European cities, whether it's Vienna, Paris, or lots of other places, and not in the center; whereas, in the United States, if you think of the riots in 1967, before most of your times, in Detroit, or Newark, or Watts, or East L.A., it was people in the center with the wealthy people in the periphery fearing the poor people living in the center. Why is it just completely different?   &#13;
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Modern Paris was indelibly shaped by the rebuilding project ordered by Napoleon III and carried out by Baron Haussmann in the 1850s and '60s. The large-scale demolition of whole neighborhoods in central Paris, coupled with a boom in industrial development outside the city, cemented a class division between center and periphery that has persisted into the twenty-first century. Curiously, this division is the obverse of the arrangement of most American cities, in which the inner city is typically impoverished while the suburbs are wealthy.&#13;
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John Merriman is Charles Seymour Professor of History at Yale University.</text>
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Mais Hergé ne retient rien du cosmopolitisme de Shanghai. Aucun bâtiment classique des rives du Huangpu — le fameux Bund, essentiellement construit par les britanniques —, aucun hôtel ou édifice caractéristique de la concession internationale n’est ici représenté. Aucun décor de la Shanghai des années trente ne subsiste dans l’illustration. L’atmosphère y est souvent nocturne, ce qui est un peu un paradoxe pour la "ligne claire". Des aplats de gris et halos de lumière, de la pluie, certains lieux sordides ou en transition…   &#13;
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Un texte argumentaire peut également être téléchargé au format pdf sur le site d'Urbain, trop urbain</text>
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List of videos :  &#13;
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&#13;
September 11th and the City &#13;
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Ralph Waldo Emerson once wrote "The test of civilization is the power of drawing the most benefit out of cities." The test of terrorism, then, may well be the power to inflict the greatest harm to those same centers of culture, commerce, and exchange. This is something that the September 11 terrorists well understood. Mohamed Atta was a man well acquainted with the power and majesty of cities--and presumably their durability and resilience. He was trained as an engineer, architect and urban planner. Yet, warped by fundamentalism, Atta became the "perverted dreamer" that E. B. White imagined decades ago in Here is New York, a man who would "loose the lightning" on Manhattan and attempt to destroy it, symbolically and literally. And even as the rubble of the World Trade Center smoldered in the days and weeks following September 11, pundits in the United States, too, foretold of the death of downtown and the end of the city as we know it. But cities have endured trauma and violence for millennia, much of it far worse than that unleashed by Mohamed Atta on September 11. Any study of the city in history will reveal that human settlements possess an essential ability to resurrect themselves in the wake of devastation, a point that the Resilient City colloquium hopes to reaffirm.  &#13;
&#13;
Urban Trauma and the Resilience of Cities &#13;
 &#13;
This paper examines the near-ubiquity of urban resilience by analyzing the concepts of trauma, recovery, and remembrance. It questions the definition of "resilience," by exploring the relationship between recovery of the built environment and other ways that a "return to normalcy" may be measured. Urban trauma, like urban resilience, takes many forms, and can be categorized in many ways. First, there is the scale of destruction-which may range from a small single precinct to an entire city (or, potentially, an even larger area). Second, one may rank these traumas in terms of their human toll, as measured by deaths and disruption of lives. Third, one may organize these destructive acts according to their presumed cause-some result from the largely-uncontrollable forces of nature, such as earthquakes and floods; others are hybrids of natural forces and human action, such as fires; while still others result more wholly from deliberate human will, whether executed by conquering armies, aerial bombardment, or terrorist strikes. It is not enough to ask general questions about urban recovery; we must ask who recovers which aspects of the city, and by what mechanisms. The process of post-disaster recovery is a window into the power structure of the society that has been stricken. Similarly, to ask about remembrance is to inquire how what is remembered gets constructed, when, and by whom.   &#13;
&#13;
Thomas J. Campanella is a Faculty Fellow of the Institute for the Arts and Humanities at the University of North Carolina, and a former Fulbright fellow at the Chinese University of Hong Kong.&#13;
&#13;
Lawrence J. Vale is a Professor and Head of the Department of Urban Studies and Planning, MIT School of Architecture and Planning.</text>
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