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                <text>Füzesséry, Stéphane</text>
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  Au début du siècle, les grandes villes allemandes sont les laboratoires d'une véritable révolution anthropologique. Le temps d'une génération, entre les années 1880 et les années 1920, la métropolisation allemande impose en effet aux citadins de nouvelles manières d'appréhender l'espace, de nouvelles façons de voir, de se repérer, de se déplacer. Particulièrement attentif aux phénomènes de perception, le cinéma documentaire weimarien en offre un témoignage irremplaçable. Comme le montrent les images enregistrées par les opérateurs du Kultur- et de l'Experimentalfilm, quiconque observe, à Berlin, le va-et-vient des automobiles et des tramways, le fourmillement de la foule, le clignotement des enseignes lumineuses ou encore le miroitement des néons sur l'asphalte détrempé, se trouve comme intégré à un champ d'expérience inédit, saturé de chocs perceptifs, un champ d'expérience dominé par l'hyperstimulation sensorielle. L'étude de ces images apporte dès lors un éclairage neuf sur la manière dont s'agencent, en Allemagne, les débats sur la modernisation. Elle permet de comprendre pourquoi l'expérience de la grande ville est communément décrite comme une expérience hyperesthésique traumatisante, elle-même à l'origine d'une diminution des capacités sensitives et d'une perte de repères spatio-temporels. Mais elle révèle également qu'un processus d'adaptation aux nouvelles conditions perceptives accompagne la croissance métropolitaine. À la surabondance d'impressions qui caractérise la vie dans les grandes villes, les citadins opposent en effet d'instinctives parades: l'excitabilité, le besoin de s'exposer sous une forme ludique ? au Luna Park ou au cinéma ? à des stimuli sensoriels, l'automatisation de la marche, le blasement ou encore la réserve, apparaissent en effet comme autant d'attitudes « inventées » par le citadin pour s'adapter à son nouvel environnement.
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                <text>Histoire urbaine, n 24, 1, 2009-05-26, pp.71-96</text>
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                <text>Les sociétés d'économie mixte locales (SEML) sont des sociétés anonymes régies par le Code général des collectivités territoriales. Le principe de l'économie mixte consiste à réaliser la jonction entre le public et le privé au sein d'entreprises destinées à assurer des services relevant des compétences des collectivités locales (comprenant la réalisation ou la gestion de missions et de services d'intérêt général ). Leur capital est majoritairement détenu par une ou plusieurs collectivités territoriales, le reste du capital étant détenu par des actionnaires privés . Bien qu'étant des acteurs majeurs de la fabrique urbaine, au centre de nombreux projets d'aménagement, de développement économique ou encore de services, les SEML ont été peu étudiées au niveau de l'urbanisme ou de l'analyse des politiques publiques (Caillosse, Le Galès, Loncle-Moriceau 1997 ; Da Rold, 2008). Elles représentent pour les collectivités locales un instrument relativement souple qu'elles peuvent contrôler. L'énergie, et notamment la distribution d'électricité, de gaz ou de chaleur, dont les communes sont autorités concédantes, constitue un des domaines d'intervention des SEML. La Ville de Grenoble est l'actionnaire majoritaire de deux SEML énergie. Gaz et Electricité de Grenoble (GEG) est une entreprise locale de distribution. Cette ancienne régie municipale s'est maintenue et a continué à distribuer le gaz et l'électricité à Grenoble malgré la création d'EDF et de GDF en 1946 (Poupeau, 2004 ; Bouvier, 2005 ; Poupeau, 2007). Alain Carignon, alors maire de Grenoble, l'a transformée en SEML en 1986 et a fait entrer la Lyonnaise des Eaux – aujourd'hui Suez – dans son capital. La Ville est actionnaire majoritaire avec 50% +1 du capital et GDF-Suez détient 42,5%. La Compagnie de chauffage intercommunal de l'agglomération grenobloise (CCIAG), présente sur le territoire de Grenoble ainsi que sur cinq autres communes de l'agglomération, a mis en place le second réseau de chaleur urbain français. Son capital est détenu à 52% par la Ville, 5% par la Communauté d'agglomération et 42% par Dalkia, une filiale de Veolia. Ces structures sont un lieu de recomposition des interactions public/privé et des modalités de la fabrique urbaine. La présence des collectivités et de grands groupes industriels dans l'actionnariat des structures interroge leur influence sur le service assuré par l'entreprise. Les actionnaires sont-ils en capacité d'orienter l'action des SEML énergie ? GEG entretient des relations marquées par une certaine volonté d'autonomie vis-à-vis de ses actionnaires, qui conservent cependant une influence notable (I). Cette influence permet à la Ville d'intervenir notamment sur l'enjeu de la coordination des réseaux tout en contraignant ses choix (II).</text>
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                <text>Le marché fait-il la ville?</text>
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                <text>Les SEML énergie, des sociétés anonymes aux mains des collectivités ?</text>
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                <text>invited conference talk</text>
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  Définir, classer et compter sont les orientations majeures des recherches sur les personnes sans logis. Les enquêtes de l'ined et de l'insee répondent au désir politique de dénombrer les populations à la rue. Elles ne prennent en compte ni les « gens à la rue » des villes de moins de 20 000 habitants, ni les étrangers ne parlant pas français, ni les personnes à la rue ne fréquentant pas les centres d'accueil, c'est-à-dire la « population » véritablement à la rue, sans lien avec des associations. Contrairement à ce que dit la presse, ces chiffres ne correspondent pas aux « sdf ». Quelles sont les fonctions de ce questionnement statistique qui élude les valeurs des gens à la rue ? Le chercheur doit construire sa problématique. La pauvreté est un enjeu social, son analyse un rapport de force où il faut questionner les questions.
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                <text>http://www.cairn.info/article.php?ID_ARTICLE=ESP_116_0111</text>
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                <text>Espaces et sociétés, n 116-117, 1, 2004-03-01, pp.111-123</text>
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                <text>sans-logis</text>
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                <text>Dans la plupart des analyses théoriques consacrées à l'étude de la congestion routière, les usagers sont contraints d'emprunter un itinéraire unique. L'objectif de notre papier est, tout d'abord, de généraliser l'approche de Arnott et al. (1990b) en introduisant un deuxième itinéraire dans l'analyse, puis de tester expérimentalement le modèle développé. Le résultat théorique propose une répartition des usagers par groupe. Le nombre d'usagers par groupe est égal à la capacité d'absorption de l'itinéraire considéré. La répartition entre les itinéraires dépend du prix du péage d'infrastructure (élevé ou faible). Les prédictions théoriques sont réfutées par les résultats expérimentaux : les sujets parviennent à se coordonner de manière à un éviter un coût de transport prohibitif lié à une congestion importante mais ne suivent pas la répartition théorique, et le prix du péage influence significativement le choix d'itinéraire. De plus, l'impact du niveau de congestion passé sur les décisions de changement d'heure de départ et d'itinéraire est réduit par le niveau du péage d'infrastructure.</text>
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                <text>Les jardins publics dans le monde arabe sont des équipements récents, inspirés ou imposés par l'Occident. Leur présence modifie le tissu urbain, l'image de la ville, et on leur assigne un rôle prophylactique en raison d'une assimilation largement admise entre la pureté et la salubrité et la "nature". La pratique de ces "autres espaces" permet aux valeurs et aux nouvelles tendances des sociétés de prendre place dans les espaces publics des villes. Espaces exutoires, de la mixité, l'intimité, de la fête, de l'ordinaire et de l'exceptionnel, ils connaissent depuis les années soixante des mutations. Devenus "espaces verts", ils ont souffert des périodes de forte croissance qu'ont connu nos trois villes. La tendance est aujourd'hui double : d'une part, privatisés et suréquipés, certains semblent perdre leur caractère d'espace public ; d'autres, revalorisés par le récent intérêt au cadre de vie et une sensibilité à l'écologie, semblent pouvoir résoudre tous les maux de la ville, de l'environnement naturel et des sociétés.</text>
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                <text>The renegotiation of regulatory contracts is known to prevent regulators from achieving the full commitment efficient outcome in dynamic contexts. However, assessing the cost of such renegotiation remains an open issue from an empirical viewpoint. To address this question, we fit a structural principal-agent model with renegotiation on a set of urban transport service contracts. The model captures two important features of the industry. First, only two types of contracts are used in practice (fixed-price and cost-plus). Second, subsidies increase over time. We compare a scenario with renegotiation and a hypothetical situation with full commitment. We conclude that the welfare gains from improving commitment would be significant but would accrue mostly to operators.</text>
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                <text>Le présent texte explore l’articulation entre l’empowerment et la diversité culturelle, et notamment les voies prometteuses du jumelage entre ces deux termes. L’apport de la philosophie de Charles Taylor conjuguée aux récentes théories du fédéralisme permet de porter un regard nouveau sur la thématique des revendications identitaires en milieu urbain et d’esquisser des solutions institutionnelles pour répondre au double défi posé par le pluralisme culturel et de la nouvelle configuration économico-politique sous-tendant la mondialisation. Malgré ses aspects positifs, cet article entend montrer, dans le sillon des travaux de Bernard Jouve, les limites et l’utilisation équivoque que l’on peut faire de l’empowerment, qui sert parfois à justifier un désengagement de l’État-providence en faveur des populations les plus démunies, et qui ne présente pas toujours les garanties nécessaires pour lutter contre les discriminations survenant au sein des Minorities within Minorities. </text>
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                <text>This article explores linkages between empowerment and cultural diversity largely defined, and at times a promising convergence between the two notions. Charles Taylor’s contribution to current theories of federalism allows us to cast a rejuvenated  look on cultural claims in urban centers and to sketch institutional avenues to face the dual challenge posed by cultural pluralism and the new socio-political configuration underlying globalization. In spite of some very positive aspects, and following Bernard Jouve’s intellectual insights, this text illustrates the extent to which the notion of empowerment can also be deceiving as it might add limitations for weaker communities, and create new hurdles as the undermining of the welfare state has showned. In addition, empowerment does not always provide guarantees to counter discrimation as the case of «Minorities witin Minorities» reveal. </text>
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                <text>Empowerment et diversité culturelle : quelques prolégomènes</text>
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                <text>We study how political boundaries and fiscal competition interact with the labor and land markets to determine the economic structure and performance of metropolitan areas. Contrary to general belief, institutional fragmentation need not be welfare-decreasing, and commuting from the suburbs to the central city is not wasteful. Thus, the institutional and economic limits of the central city are not the same. With tax competition, the central business district is too small. The dispersion of jobs is increased when suburbanite workers are allowed to consume the public services supplied by the central city. This indicates the need for some metropolitan governance.</text>
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                <text>How to make the metropolitan area work ? Neither big government, nor laissez-faire</text>
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                <text>There is a large consensus among international institutions and national governments to favor urban-containment policies - the compact city - as a way to reduce the ecological footprint of cities. This approach overlooks the following basic trade-off: the concentration of activities decreases the ecological footprint stemming from commodity shipping between cities, but it increases emissions of greenhouse gas by inducing longer worktrips. What matters for the ecological footprint of cities is the mix between urban density and the global pattern of activities. As expected, when both the intercity and intraurban distributions of activities are given, a higher urban density makes cities more environmentally friendly and raises global welfare. However, once we account for the fact that cities may be either monocentric or polycentric as well as for the relocation of activities between cities, the relationship between density and the ecological footprints appears to be much more involved. Indeed, because changes in urban density affect land rents and wages, firms are incited to relocate, thus leading to new commuting patterns. We show policies that favor the decentralization of jobs in big cities may reduce global pollution and improve global welfare.</text>
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  Dans les villes du haut Moyen Â ge, édifices religieux, processions et cérémonies 
religieuses sont à la fois des manifestations de la présence chrétienne et des 
instruments permettant de rappeler au clergé et à l'ensemble des chrétiens 
l'unité nécessaire de leur É glise autour de la personne de l'évêque. Quatre documents, s'échelonnant du Ve au Xe siècle et concernant les cités de Tours, Auxerre, 
Metz et Clermont permettent de saisir les modalités de l'inscription du pouvoir 
épiscopal dans l'espace et dans le temps: les églises qui possèdent les reliques des 
saints évêques et des autres saints locaux sont les lieux où l'ensemble du clergé 
urbain se retrouve pour des célébrations liturgiques auxquelles le peuple est 
associé et qui expriment l'union de l'É glise locale autour de son évêque en 
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                  <text>Créée en 1986, Strates. Matériaux pour la recherche en sciences sociales est la revue du Laboratoire dynamiques sociales et recomposition des espaces (Ladyss). Regroupant géographes et sociologues, la revue est aussi ouverte à des chercheurs d’autres disciplines. Strates publie des matériaux, des réflexions sur des travaux en cours, des comparaisons avec des recherches étrangères, des débats, des éléments de méthodes, des travaux de doctorants, des jalons de recherche, des bibliographies commentées, des chronologies, cherchant ainsi à valoriser des moments importants du métier de chercheur non prisés dans l’espace habituel des publications.</text>
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                <text>Cafés et pubs sont des commerces omniprésents dans nos sociétés. Haut lieu social, le débit de boissons a parfois été mal exploité par les sciences sociales focalisées par les formes de sociabilité internes à l’établissement. Élargir l’observation aux maillages qui composent son environnement, c’est utiliser le débit de boissons comme outil d’observation des sociétés et des espaces auxquels il s’adapte. Cette adaptabilité lui fait adopter différentes fonctions, différents rôles, parfois méconnus, qui sont révélateurs de l’état et de l’évolution des sociétés et des territoires. Ainsi, ces commerces permettent un diagnostic de l’état de la société locale car ils sont des lieux de convergences des identités, des parcours individuels et collectifs, et sont aussi représentatifs des valeurs locales et des pratiques spatiales/sociales. </text>
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                  <text>Créée en 1986, Strates. Matériaux pour la recherche en sciences sociales est la revue du Laboratoire dynamiques sociales et recomposition des espaces (Ladyss). Regroupant géographes et sociologues, la revue est aussi ouverte à des chercheurs d’autres disciplines. Strates publie des matériaux, des réflexions sur des travaux en cours, des comparaisons avec des recherches étrangères, des débats, des éléments de méthodes, des travaux de doctorants, des jalons de recherche, des bibliographies commentées, des chronologies, cherchant ainsi à valoriser des moments importants du métier de chercheur non prisés dans l’espace habituel des publications.</text>
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                <text>Blanc, Nathalie</text>
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                <text>Hucy, Wandrille</text>
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                <text>Mathieu, Nicole</text>
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                <text>Avec pour hypothèse commune que la montée actuelle de la « question habitante » dans les sociétés post industrielles oblige à mettre au centre de l’investigation : . le point de vue de l’individu habitant, à partir duquel il faut tenter de définir les « cultures de la nature », les représentations de la valeur des lieux, les catégories par lesquelles chaque sujet pense sa « géographicité » ; 2. les catégories de rural et d’urbain rendent possible la mise en évidence des propriétés et des qualités de chaque milieu quel que soit le pays d'Europe concerné. Les auteurs tentent de dégager des résultats transversaux des récits de lieux de vie obtenus dans leurs terrains spécifiques de recherche. Ils aboutissent à une problématique collective et à une méthodologie à mettre en place pour approfondir ce qu’habiter veut dire aujourd’hui dans les représentations et les pratiques des ruraux et des urbains. La contradiction entre le chez soi pensé et pratiqué comme « espace refuge » ou « dedans » et le chez soi vu comme appropriation de l’abord et intégration de la discontinuité du dehors est un principe de distinction fort pour aller vers une typologie des « modes d’habiter ». </text>
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                <text>The authors base their reflection on the common assumption that the growing importance of the “living issue” in post-industrial societies compels them to focus their investigation on: 1) the point of view of the resident, from which they must try to define the “cultures of nature”, the representations of the value of the place and the categories through which each individual relates to his “geographicity”; 2) the categories of the rural and the urban whose confrontation is likely to evidence the qualities and properties of any European-based “milieu”. The authors then synthetise the data provided by the narratives collected in their own fields of investigation. They can thus formulate a common question and methodology in order to reflect on what “living” means today in the representations and practices of country people and city dwellers. The contradiction between the home considered and experienced as a shelter or “inside” and the home seen as an appropriation of the margins and integration of the discontinuity of the “outside” is a strong distinctive principle to head towards a typology of the “ways of living”. </text>
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                <text>Habiter le dedans et le dehors : la maison ou l’Eden rêvé et recréé</text>
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