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                <text>In urban China, urban resident annual earnings are 1.3 times larger than long term rural migrant earnings as observed in a nationally representative sample in 2002. Using microsimulation, we decompose this difference into four sources, with particular attention to path dependence and statistical distribution of the estimated effects: (1) different allocation to sectors that pay different wages (sectoral effect); (2) hourly wage disparities across the two populations within sectors (wage effect); (3) different working times within sectors (hours effect); (4) different population structures (population effect). Although sector allocation is extremely contrasted, with very few migrants in the public sector and very few urban residents working as self-employed, the sectoral effect is not robust to the path followed for the decomposition. We show that the migrant population has a comparative advantage in the private sector: increasing its participation into the public sector does not necessarily improve its average earnings. The opposite holds for the urban residents. The second main finding is that population effect is significantly more important than wage or hours effects. This implies that the main source of disparity is pre-market (education opportunities) rather than on-market.</text>
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                <text>Migrants as second-class workers in urban China? A decomposition analysis</text>
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                <text>This paper analyzes the changes in public-private sector earnings differentials for local residents in urban China between 2002 and 2007. We find that earnings gaps across ownership sectors decreased during this period and that the convergence trend has been in favor of the private and semi-public sectors as opposed to the public sector. This trend is in sharp contrast to what occurred at the turn of the 21st century when employees the government and state-owned enterprises were found to enjoy a privileged situation. Differences in endowments are found to play a growing role in explaining earnings differentials. However, although it is becoming less of an issue, segmentation across ownership remains important, especially for high-wage earners.</text>
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                <text>Earnings Differentials between the Public and Private Sectors in China: Exploring Changes for Urban Local Residents in the 2000s</text>
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                <text>This paper examines how left-behind children influence return migration in China. We first present a simple model that incorporates economic and non-economic motives for migration duration (or intentions to return). Based on Dustmann (2003b), the parent is assumed to be altruistic and to care about the prospects of her left-behind children. We then propose two complementary empirical tests based on an original dataset from a rural household survey carried out in Wuwei County (Anhui province, China) in fall 2008. We first use a discrete-time proportional hazard model to estimate the determinants of migration duration for both on-going migrants with incomplete length of duration and return migrants with complete length of duration. Second, we apply a binary Probit model to study the return intentions of on-going migrants. Both models find consistent results regarding the role of left-behind children as a significant motive for return. First, left-behind children are found to pull their parents back to the village, the effect being stronger for pre-school children. Second, sons are found to play a more important role than daughters in reducing migration duration.</text>
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                <text>Left‐Behind Children and Return Decisions of Rural Migrants in China</text>
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                <text>In urban China, urban resident annual earnings are 1.3 times larger than long term rural migrant earnings as observed in a nationally representative sample in 2002. Using microsimulation, we decompose this difference into four sources, with particular attention to path dependence and statistical distribution of the estimated effects: (1) different allocation to sectors that pay different wages (sectoral effect); (2) hourly wage disparities across the two populations within sectors (wage effect); (3) different working times within sectors (hours effect); (4) different population structures (population effect). Although sector allocation is extremely contrasted, with very few migrants in the public sector and very few urban residents working as self-employed, this has no clear impact on differential earnings. Indeed, the sectoral effect is not robust to the path followed for the decomposition. We show that the migrant population has a comparative advantage in the private sector: increasing its participation into the public sector would not necessarily improve its average earnings. The second main finding is that the population effect is robust and significantly more important than wage or hours effects. This implies that the main source of disparity between the two populations is pre-market (education opportunities) rather than on-market.</text>
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                <text>Migrants as second-class workers in urban China? A decomposition analysis</text>
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                <text>Economic reforms in rural China have brought opportunities to diversify both within-farm activities and off-farm activities. Participation in these activities plays an important role in increasing rural households' income. This paper analyzes the factors that drive rural households and individuals in their income-source diversification choices in a Northern China township. At the household level, we distinguish three types of diversification as opposed to grain production only: within farm (non-grain production) activities, local off-farm activities, and migration. We find that land availability stimulates on-farm diversification. Local off-farm activities are mostly driven by households' assets position and working resources, while migration decisions strongly depend on the household size and composition. At the individual level, we analyze the determinants of participation in three different types of jobs as compared to agricultural work: local off-farm employment, local self-employment and migration. We find a clear gender and age bias in access to off-farm activities that are mostly undertaken by male and by young people. The households' assets position as well as village networks are found to strongly affect participation in off-farm activities.</text>
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                <text>Rural households'decisions towards income diversification: Evidence from a township in northern China</text>
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                <text>This paper analyzes the impact of market liberalization on gender earnings differentials and discrimination against women in urban China at the beginning of the 1990s. The observed stability in the overall gender earnings gap between 1988 and 1995 is shown to result from a complex set of evolutions across enterprises, earnings distributions, and time. Our results highlight the interplay of opposing forces, with economic reforms contributing to changes in managers' behaviors in different dimensions. On the one hand, by bringing more competition, liberalization favored a reduction in discriminating behaviors in both urban collectives and foreign-invested enterprises; on the other hand, by relaxing institutional rules, it led to a loosening of the government's egalitarian wage-setting policies, leaving more space for discrimination in state-owned enterprises.</text>
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                <text>The Evolution of Gender Earnings Gaps and Discrimination in Urban China, 1988-95</text>
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                <text>Using newly available spatial price deflators, this paper shows that inequality evaluations in the literature overstate the magnitude of inequality and inequality changes in China, as well as the role played by regional differences in the observed inequality rise during&lt;br /&gt;the 1990s.</text>
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                <text>Urban income inequality in China revisited, 1988-2002</text>
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                <text>The massive downsizing of the state-owned sector and the concomitant impressive growth of the private sector at the end of the 1990s have altered the nature of the Chinese labor market. The introduction of market mechanisms has contributed to increasing labor turnover and competitiveness in market wages. Using two urban household surveys for 1995 and 2002, this paper analyzes the evolution of labor market segmentation in urban China, by applying an extended version of Oaxaca-Blinder decomposition methods. During the 7-year period, the sharp increase in real earnings for all workers shows substantial differences across ownership, economic sectors, and regions. We find strong evidence of a multi-tiered labor market along these three major lines and highlight increasing segmentation within each of the three dimensions, the gap between the privileged segments of the labor market and the most competitive segments widening over time.</text>
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                <text>Economic liberalization with rising segmentation in China's urban labor market</text>
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                  <text>Revue entièrement consacrée au monde chinois contemporain qu’elle analyse dans ses aspects socio-politiques, économiques, culturels et littéraires, Perspectives chinoises offre une information originale ainsi que des analyses fondées sur des enquêtes de terrain menées par des chercheurs spécialisés.</text>
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&#13;
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&#13;
- Denis Martouzet, Introduction – Une ville, cinq sens, trois traitements : sensoriel, cognitif et affectif / A City, Five Senses, Three Treatments: Sensorial, Cognitive and Emotional&#13;
&#13;
- Lucile Grésillon, Sentir et ressentir Paris. L’exemple du quai du RER B à Châtelet-les Halles / Sensing and Feeling Paris: Metro Station “Châtelet-les Halles” Exemple&#13;
&#13;
- Théa Manola,, Rapports multisensoriels des habitants à leurs territoires de vie. Retours critiques sur une démarche méthodologique / Inhabitant’s Multisensory Relations with their Territories. Critical Feedback on a Methodological Approach&#13;
&#13;
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&#13;
- Benoît Feildel, Vers un urbanisme affectif. Pour une prise en compte de la dimension sensible en aménagement et en urbanisme / Towards an Affective Urbanism Taking into Account Sensibility in Urban Planning&#13;
&#13;
- Denis Martouzet, La notion de liberté comme concept analytique de la construction du rapport affectif des individus envers la ville / The Notion of Freedom as Analytical Concept of Individual’s Construction of Affective Relationship to the City&#13;
&#13;
Varia&#13;
&#13;
- Laurence Rocher, Infrastructure urbaine, planification et controverse : le projet différé d’un contournement routier au sud d’Angers / Contested Urban Planning: The Postponed Motorway Bypass in South Angers&#13;
&#13;
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&#13;
Source : Le Cresson Veille (http://lcv.hypotheses.org/)</text>
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                <text>Les villes ont des odeurs, des couleurs, des ambiances…, qui les rendent reconnaissables entre toutes. Paris n’est pas Berlin ; Tours n’est pas Marseille ; Bordeaux n’est pas Toulouse. Il est difficile d’être neutre vis-à-vis de cet objet d’étude qu’est la ville. Comment ne pas être et se sentir affecté, au plus profond de soi, par ce milieu de vie, son fonctionnement, sa diversité sociale, visuelle, fonctionnelle, ses ambiances, mais aussi par ce qu’elle représente en termes de fonctionnement de la société, avec ce qu’elle permet ou oblige, ce à quoi elle incite et ce qu’elle empêche ? Une ville donne ou non, inclut ou exclut, intègre ou désintègre… ; une personne pense cette ville, la ressent, la vit : ville et individu entretiennent un rapport qui influence les représentations, les imaginaires, les pratiques, et donc l’ambiance et le réel urbains. La société urbaine ne peut faire l’économie de quelques questions simples à formuler. Aimez-vous la ville ? Pourquoi ? Un peu, passionnément, pas du tout ? Ce livre apporte des réponses qui montrent l’universalité des affects – positifs, négatifs, toujours changeants – envers l’urbain et suggèrent autant d’autres questions. On entre dans l’ambiance de la ville par ses différentes dimensions : urbanisme et participation, idéologies, temporalités, patrimoines, marketing urbain, cinéma et représentations mentales ou sociales, sciences morales et politiques, mais aussi le sensible et l’émotion.&#13;
&#13;
Sommaire :&#13;
&#13;
Introduction&#13;
La ville aimée car aimable… ou détestable et donc détestée ?&#13;
Denis Martouzet&#13;
&#13;
Chapitre  1&#13;
Habiter, une affaire d’affects : dialogue et confrontations&#13;
Denis Martouzet et Nicole Mathieu&#13;
&#13;
Chapitre  2&#13;
De l’affectivité des lieux, détour épistémologique&#13;
Denis Martouzet&#13;
&#13;
Chapitre  3&#13;
L’affectivité et l’organisation spatiale des sociétés&#13;
Benoît Feildel et Nathalie Audas&#13;
&#13;
Chapitre 4&#13;
Pour un urbanisme affectif&#13;
Benoît Feildel&#13;
&#13;
Chapitre  5&#13;
Interroger une représentation collective : la ville mal-aimée&#13;
Joëlle Salomon Cavin et Nicole Mathieu&#13;
&#13;
Chapitre  6&#13;
Le rapport affectif à l’espace de Jean-Jacques Rousseau&#13;
Denis Martouzet&#13;
&#13;
Chapitre  7&#13;
Quand le cinéma contribue à l’affect des lieux&#13;
Georges-Henry Laffont&#13;
&#13;
Chapitre  8&#13;
Attitudes : les vingt-quatre « types » de relation à sa ville&#13;
Denis Martouzet&#13;
&#13;
Chapitre  9&#13;
L’affection, une affaire de rythmes&#13;
Nathalie Audas&#13;
&#13;
Chapitre  10&#13;
Patrimonialiser les affects ? Le rapport entre le nous et le je&#13;
Hélène Bailleul et Denis Martouzet&#13;
&#13;
Chapitre  11&#13;
Les belles images de ville : l’instrumentalisation du rapport affectif&#13;
Hélène Bailleul&#13;
&#13;
Chapitre  12&#13;
Participation citoyenne et émotions&#13;
Benoît Feildel&#13;
&#13;
Conclusion&#13;
Aimée, aimable, aimante, la ville, une histoire de sentiment&#13;
Denis Martouzet et Georges-Henry Laffont&#13;
&#13;
Bibliographie</text>
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                <text>La mise en œuvre du RSA a modifié en profondeur le paysage des aides sociales en France. Une enquête ad hoc a été menée auprès de 189 villes de plus de 20 000 habitants ou communautés de communes, rassemblant 13 millions d'habitants, soit près de 20 % des Français et 48 % de la population des communes de plus de 20 000 habitants. Relativement aux caisses d'allocations familiales, aux départements ou aux régions, les villes ont l'offre d'aides locales la plus variée. L'enquête a permis de mettre à jour les formes et les conditions d'attribution des aides locales. Elle révèle également les différents niveaux de coordination existants entre les différents échelons, notamment avec les départements et les formes que cette coordination prend, principalement des financements communs et des échanges d'information. L'enquête fournit enfin des résultats originaux sur les ajustements des aides sociales facultatives dans le nouveau contexte du RSA. Il apparaît qu'une minorité de communes et d'EPCI ont modifié ou prévu de modifier leur offre d'aides locales du fait de la mise en œuvre du RSA. Les motifs de ces changements tiennent beaucoup plus à la dégradation du contexte économique, à la montée du chômage et des difficultés financières auxquelles les ménages font face. Les villes et EPCI qui constituent le premier niveau de l'offre d'aides locales, ont eu à ajuster leur offre d'aide sociale aux nouveaux besoins des populations.</text>
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                <text>Ce que font les villes pour les ménages pauvres. Résultats d'une enquête nationale sur les communes de plus de 20 000 habitants</text>
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                <text>Until now, studies of urbanization in India have been based only on official urban figures as provided by Census surveys. This approach has inevitably introduced several avoidable biases into the picture, distortions which are further compounded by numerous regional inter-Census adjustments. A much sounder option is now available in the Geopolis approach [www.e-geopolis.eu], which follows the United Nations system of classifying as urban all physical agglomerates with at least 10,000 inhabitants. From this standpoint, the Indian scenario exhibits all signs of a much-diffused process of urbanization rather than a major demographic polarization led by mega-cities. While 3,279 units were officially categorized as urban, the Geopolis criterion has identified 6,467 units with at least 10,000 inhabitants. Moreover, Geopolis estimates the urban population at 37% for 2001, which is 10% more than the official Census estimate. In absolute terms, this difference accounts for 100 million inhabitants. Brought to light by both physical identification and gradation of the census units of all localities as well as a study of the morphological profiles of individual agglomerates, a major finding reveals a greater spread of the country's metro and secondary cities than previously believed. Statistical and political considerations have obscured the emergence of small agglomerations of between 10,000 and 20,000 inhabitants. This omission can only be seen as a gap in the national policy on planning and urban development. In other words, the country seems to be firmly headed toward an extended process of metropolitanization alongside diffused combinations of localized socio-economic opportunities, clusters, cottage industries, and market towns partially interlinked by developmental corridors. Far from a dual model of modern versus traditional, urban versus rural, metro city versus small town, the Indian subcontinent features many sub-regional settings which converge, overlap, and diverge. This study of the distribution of current and emerging agglomerations challenges the pertinence of the urban/rural divide</text>
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                <text>Toward a better appraisal of urbanization in India, a fresh look at the landscape of morphological agglomerates</text>
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                <text>The concept of subaltern urbanisation refers to the growth of settlement agglomerations, whether denoted urban by the Census of India or not, that are independent of the metropolis and autonomous in their interactions with other settlements, local and global. Analysing conventional and new data sources "against the grain", this paper claims support for the existence of such economically vital small settlements, contrary to perceptions that India's urbanisation is slow, that its smaller settlements are stagnant and its cities are not productive. It offers a classification scheme for settlements using the axes of spatial proximity to metropolises and degree of administrative recognition, and looks at the potential factors for their transformation long economic, social and political dimensions. Instead of basing policy on illusions of control, understanding how agents make this world helps comprehend ongoing Indian transformations.</text>
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                <text>http://halshs.archives-ouvertes.fr/docs/00/74/30/51/PDF/Subaltern_Urbanisation_in_India_7_July_2012_EPW.pdf</text>
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                <text>ISSN:0012-9976</text>
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                <text>Subaltern Urbanisation in India</text>
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                <text>Marius-Gnanou, Kamala</text>
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                <text>Up to now, studies of urbanization in India have been based only on official urban figures as provided by the Census Surveys. This approach has inevitably introduced several avoidable biases into the picture, distortions further compounded by numerous regional inter-Census adjustments. A much sounder option is now available in the Geopolis approach [www.e-geopolis.eu], which follows the United Nations system of classifying as urban all physical agglomerates, no matter where, with at least 10,000 inhabitants. Looked at from this standpoint, the Indian scenario exhibits all signs that, far from a major demographic polarization led by mega-cities (as is commonly believed), what the country has been experiencing is a much-diffused process of urbanization. While 3,279 units were officially categorized as urban, the Geopolis criterion has identified 6,467 units--about twice as many--with at least 10,000 inhabitants. Again, in the matter of the rate of urbanization, the Geopolis yardstick places the figure at 37% for 2001, 10 points of percentage above the official estimate. In absolute terms, that difference accounts for 100 million inhabitants. Apart from this fact, brought to light by both physical identification and gradation of the census units of all localities, and a study of the morphological profiles of individual agglomerates, a major finding relates to the greater spread of the country's metro and secondary cities than had been believed up to now. Yet another revelation thrown up by this study is that statistical and political considerations have obscured the emergence of small agglomerations of between 10,000 and 20,000 inhabitants. This omission can only be seen as a gap in the national policy on planning and urban development. In other words, the country seems to be firmly headed toward an extended process of metropolitanization alongside diffused combinations of localized socio-economic opportunities, clusters, cottage industries, and market towns partially interlinked by developmental corridors.</text>
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                <text>Toward a better appraisal of urbanization in India: A fresh look at the landscape of morphological agglomerates</text>
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                <text>Cet article propose une contribution au débat suscité par la publication du rapport annuel sur le développement dans le Monde 2009 de la Banque mondiale intitulé Repenser la géographie économique. Il recense et évalue les choix des séries de données en matière d'urbanisation et la manière dont ces mesures géographiques sont employées pour soutenir un plaidoyer en faveur de la concentration démographique et économique. Il souligne la difficulté mal contournée de travailler avec des données urbaines étatiques non harmonisées ; évalue les limites de l'harmonisation proposée ; et propose une mesure alternative de l'urbanisation du monde qui permet de souligner les biais du rapport de la Banque, notamment la surestimation de la métropolisation et l'ignorance de la micro-urbanisation bourgeonnante.</text>
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                <text>« Repenser la géographie économique ».</text>
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                <text>Denis, Eric</text>
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                <text>Dans le cadre d'un dossier sur l'observation foncière, cet article fait le point sur les sources de l'analyse des dynamiques foncières. Ce faisant, il décrypte les tendances récentes de l'urbanisation pour les villes des pays en développement et dans leur rapport aux questions foncières. L'article articule les questions relatives à l'essor des politiques de régularisation et de titrisation de l'habitat populaire et la puissante expansion de l'immobilier commercial qui s'appuit sur la privatisation de biens publics à grande échelle.</text>
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                <text>pays en développement</text>
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                <text>Les sources récentes de l'observation foncière urbaine dans les pays en développement</text>
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                <text>Les villes de province égyptienne n'existent pas. Ou si peu. Difficile en effet de trouver des publications, des monographies à jour et pertinentes et encore moins des articles de synthèse traitant d'une ville égyptienne qui ne soit pas le Caire. Certes, Alexandrie existe, mais plutôt comme un mythe méditerranéen antique et cosmopolitain ; Rarement comme la métropole au 3 millions d'habitants et au devenir économique incertain qu'elle est pourtant avant tout . Les villes du Canal, de même, restent les ports étapes de la Société du Canal de Suez. Qui connaît Tanta, Mahalla al-Kubra ou Asyût qui sont pourtant des métropoles majeures qui comptent chacune autour de 500.000 habitants ?&lt;br /&gt;Qui plus est, l'urbanisation de l'Egypte ne se joue plus uniquement à la maille des métropoles régionales ou même des villes secondaires, mais au ras des terroirs. Qui voudra bien admettre que l'exode rural s'est tari et que l'urbanisation de l'Égypte se fait à l'échelle du village, par le bas, formant une agglomération quasi continu et emportant l'ensemble de l'écoumène dans une ruralopolis en formation ?</text>
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                <text>Villes et urbanisation des provinces égyptiennes. Vers l'écouménopolis?</text>
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                <text>[SHS:DEMO] Humanities and Social Sciences/Demography</text>
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                <text>[SHS:SOCIO] Humanities and Social Sciences/Sociology</text>
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                <text>Introduction: villes et urbanisation des provinces égyptiennes</text>
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                <text>Moriconi-Ebrard, François</text>
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                <text>What do we know about urbanisation in Africa? The classification systems of urban/rural areas differ from one country to another. As a consequence, international comparisons of urbanisation indicators or historical analyses of urban growth are difficult to establish. Urbanisation is indeed increasing, but how and where exactly? More in metropolises or in small towns? How many urban agglomerations are there in each country? The first part of the Africapolis programme provides new evidence with respect to West Africa. The Africapolis programme was commissioned by the Agence Française de Développement (AFD) to measure urbanisation and its patterns since the 1950s and project the results to 2020 more accurately than previous work on urbanisation in West Africa. It is part of a global research programme, e-Geopolis, supported by the Agence Nationale de la Recherche (ANR) since 2008. The aim of e-Geopolis is to establish an international online database on the development of urbanisation, using a harmonised classification of rural/urban areas applied to all countries.</text>
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                <text>http://hal.archives-ouvertes.fr/docs/00/41/04/75/PDF/AFWenglish_Denis_Moriconi-Ebrard2009.pdf</text>
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              <elementText elementTextId="513625">
                <text>ENG</text>
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                <text>La Chronique du CEPED</text>
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                <text>urbanisation</text>
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                <text>western africa</text>
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                <text>URBAN GROWTH IN WEST AFRICA</text>
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