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                <text>&lt;div&gt;L&amp;rsquo;&amp;eacute;tranger et la ville en Afrique de l&amp;rsquo;Ouest. Lom&amp;eacute; au regard d'Accra&lt;br /&gt; &lt;br /&gt; &lt;b&gt;Pr&amp;eacute;sentation par l'&amp;eacute;diteur :&lt;/b&gt;&lt;br /&gt; &lt;br /&gt; Les migrants originaires de l&amp;rsquo;espace de libre circulation de la CEDEAO (Communaut&amp;eacute; &amp;Eacute;conomique des &amp;Eacute;tats d&amp;rsquo;Afrique de l&amp;rsquo;Ouest) sont nombreux &amp;agrave; Lom&amp;eacute; et Accra. Pourtant, ces migrants dispers&amp;eacute;s dans leur ville d&amp;rsquo;accueil plut&amp;ocirc;t que rassembl&amp;eacute;s dans des quartiers ethniques, restent peu visibles. Il s&amp;rsquo;agit donc d&amp;rsquo;interroger la visibilit&amp;eacute; des identifications &amp;eacute;trang&amp;egrave;res &amp;agrave; la ville, pour les citadins comme aux yeux du chercheur.&lt;br /&gt; &lt;br /&gt; La figure de l&amp;rsquo;&amp;eacute;tranger dans les villes d&amp;rsquo;Afrique de l&amp;rsquo;Ouest est complexe car objet d&amp;rsquo;instrumentalisation. Les &amp;eacute;trangers n&amp;rsquo;appartiennent pas &amp;agrave; un seul groupe social, pas plus qu&amp;rsquo;&amp;agrave; un seul territoire. La prise de possession et le contr&amp;ocirc;le de certains lieux sont au coeur de dynamiques syncr&amp;eacute;tiques caract&amp;eacute;ris&amp;eacute;es par la red&amp;eacute;finition d&amp;rsquo;appartenances &amp;agrave; l&amp;rsquo;ailleurs dans des interactions locales. Autrement dit, le maintien d&amp;rsquo;identit&amp;eacute;s &amp;eacute;trang&amp;egrave;res &amp;agrave; la ville ne repose pas sur la r&amp;eacute;plique d&amp;rsquo;identit&amp;eacute;s qui apparaissent ailleurs ou dans d&amp;rsquo;autres temps mais r&amp;eacute;sulte d&amp;rsquo;une diff&amp;eacute;renciation et d&amp;rsquo;une cr&amp;eacute;ation identitaire dans et de la ville.&lt;br /&gt; &lt;br /&gt; Refusant le paradigme de l&amp;rsquo;assimilation, cet ouvrage propose une approche dialectique et multiscalaire des liens entre &amp;eacute;trangers et villes : la ville modifie les identifications des migrants &amp;eacute;trangers qui, eux-m&amp;ecirc;mes, transforment l&amp;rsquo;urbanit&amp;eacute; et la citadinit&amp;eacute;, d&amp;eacute;finie comme les mani&amp;egrave;res d&amp;rsquo;&amp;ecirc;tre propres &amp;agrave; une ville (en termes de pratiques et de repr&amp;eacute;sentations).&lt;br /&gt; &lt;br /&gt; &amp;Agrave; partir d&amp;rsquo;une investigation approfondie dans deux capitales d&amp;rsquo;Afrique de l&amp;rsquo;Ouest, ce livre permet de reconsid&amp;eacute;rer la place de l&amp;rsquo;&amp;eacute;tranger dans les dynamiques urbaines contemporaines, en montrant qu&amp;rsquo;il s&amp;rsquo;agit d&amp;rsquo;une posture citadine essentielle dans l&amp;rsquo;invention des liens qui font la ville au quotidien.&lt;br /&gt; &lt;br /&gt; &lt;b&gt;Amandine Spire&lt;/b&gt;, agr&amp;eacute;g&amp;eacute;e en g&amp;eacute;ographie et docteure de l&amp;rsquo;Universit&amp;eacute; de Paris Ouest-Nanterre, enseigne actuellement en tant qu&amp;rsquo;attach&amp;eacute; temporaire &amp;agrave; l&amp;rsquo;universit&amp;eacute; de Paris-Sorbonne.&lt;/div&gt; &amp;nbsp;&lt;/div&gt; </text>
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                <text>, aménagement, patrimoine, globalisation, savoirs, Choay Françoise</text>
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Fayard

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                <text>&lt;div&gt;Que vont devenir nos villes maintenant que l'am&amp;eacute;nagement de leurs territoires n'est plus consid&amp;eacute;r&amp;eacute; comme le fondement de notre soci&amp;eacute;t&amp;eacute; ? Que restera-t-il du patrimoine, pass&amp;eacute; au rabot de la globalisation ?&lt;/div&gt;
&amp;nbsp;&lt;/div&gt;
A la fois cri d'alarme et pr&amp;eacute;texte &amp;agrave; une r&amp;eacute;flexion pionni&amp;egrave;re, le petit livre de Fran&amp;ccedil;oise Choay est un mod&amp;egrave;le de synth&amp;egrave;se. Du quartier des cath&amp;eacute;drales gothiques &amp;agrave; la place Stanislas &amp;agrave; Nancy, des trou&amp;eacute;es Haussmaniennes aux villes nouvelles puis aux ensembles urbains &amp;eacute;tal&amp;eacute;s &amp;agrave; l'infini, Fran&amp;ccedil;oise Choay pointe &amp;agrave; chaque occasion comment les mentalit&amp;eacute;s, les savoirs techniques et &amp;eacute;conomiques ont fa&amp;ccedil;onn&amp;eacute; les cit&amp;eacute;s. Un br&amp;eacute;vaire indipensable pour tout pi&amp;eacute;ton des villes.&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;b&gt;Fran&amp;ccedil;oise Choay&lt;/b&gt; est professeur &amp;eacute;m&amp;eacute;rite des universit&amp;eacute;s de Paris I et VIII, professeur en Belgique, en Italie et aux &amp;Eacute;tats-Unis est l'une des figures majeures de la pens&amp;eacute;e contemporaine sur le paysage et ses liens avec l'espace b&amp;acirc;ti.&lt;/div&gt;
&amp;nbsp;&lt;/div&gt;
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&amp;nbsp;&lt;/div&gt;
Qu&amp;rsquo;est-ce que la cit&amp;eacute; ? Comment a-t-elle commenc&amp;eacute; ? Quelles ont &amp;eacute;t&amp;eacute; les phases de son d&amp;eacute;veloppement ? Est-elle destin&amp;eacute;e &amp;agrave; dispara&amp;icirc;tre, ou notre plan&amp;egrave;te se transformera-t-elle en une immense ruche urbaine, ce qui serait, pour les villes individualis&amp;eacute;es, une autre fa&amp;ccedil;on de dispara&amp;icirc;tre ? Les besoins qui conduisirent les hommes vers ce mode d&amp;rsquo;existence recevront-ils un jour les satisfactions qu&amp;rsquo;ont pu promettre autrefois J&amp;eacute;rusalem, Ath&amp;egrave;nes ou Florence ? Est-il encore possible de construire une cit&amp;eacute; permettant &amp;agrave; l&amp;rsquo;homme de poursuivre un d&amp;eacute;veloppement harmonieux ?&lt;/div&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
Avant de penser un nouveau mode d&amp;rsquo;existence urbaine, il faut comprendre la nature historique de la cit&amp;eacute; et l&amp;rsquo;&amp;eacute;volution de son r&amp;ocirc;le primitif. Nous serons mieux &amp;agrave; m&amp;ecirc;me alors d&amp;rsquo;envisager les d&amp;eacute;cisions qui nous incombent. Il nous appartient de diriger nos efforts vers l&amp;rsquo;accomplissement de la plus profonde valeur humaine ; ou sinon de subir l&amp;rsquo;automatisme des forces que nous avons d&amp;eacute;clench&amp;eacute;es.&lt;/div&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
Par l&amp;rsquo;analyse de la formation des regroupements urbains, ce classique fait appara&amp;icirc;tre les limites d&amp;eacute;mographiques, technologiques et &amp;eacute;conomiques au-del&amp;agrave; desquelles la cit&amp;eacute; ne rend plus possible la survie d&amp;rsquo;une unit&amp;eacute; communautaire. Critique d&amp;rsquo;une organisation &amp;eacute;conomique qui sacrifie le progr&amp;egrave;s de l&amp;rsquo;humanit&amp;eacute; au perfectionnement des machines, l&amp;rsquo;auteur revient au souci du bien public, &amp;agrave; la recherche d&amp;rsquo;un &amp;eacute;quilibre &amp;eacute;cologique et &amp;agrave; la coop&amp;eacute;ration sociale comme base de notre milieu de vie.&lt;/div&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
Historien am&amp;eacute;ricain sp&amp;eacute;cialis&amp;eacute; dans l&amp;rsquo;histoire de l&amp;rsquo;urbanisme et de la technologie, &lt;b&gt;Lewis Mumford&lt;/b&gt; (1895&amp;ndash;1990) est &amp;eacute;galement l&amp;rsquo;auteur des &lt;i&gt;Transformations de l&amp;rsquo;homme&lt;/i&gt; (1956) et du &lt;i&gt;Mythe de la machine&lt;/i&gt; (1967&amp;ndash;1970).&lt;/div&gt;
&amp;nbsp;&lt;/div&gt;
Traduction de l&amp;rsquo;anglais par Guy et G&amp;eacute;rard Durand ,r&amp;eacute;vis&amp;eacute;e et actualis&amp;eacute;e d&amp;rsquo;apr&amp;egrave;s la derni&amp;egrave;re version originale par Natacha Cauvin.&lt;/div&gt;
Pr&amp;eacute;face de Jean-Pierre Garnier.&lt;/div&gt;
&amp;nbsp;&lt;/div&gt;
&amp;nbsp;&lt;/div&gt;
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                <text>&lt;div&gt;&lt;b&gt;Abstract from the publisher : &lt;/b&gt;&lt;/div&gt; &amp;nbsp;&lt;/div&gt; Tomography is a method of exploring a phenomenon through a large number of examples or perspectives. In medical tomography, such as a CAT scan, two-dimensional slices or images of a three-dimensional organ are used to envision the organ itself. Urban tomography applies the same approach to the study of city life. To appreciate different aspects of a community, from infrastructure to work to worship, urban planning expert Martin H. Krieger scans the myriad sights and sounds of contemporary Los Angeles. He examines these slices of life in Urban Tomographies.&lt;br /&gt; &lt;br /&gt; The book begins by introducing tomographic methods and the principles behind them, which are taken from phenomenological philosophy. It draws from the examples of Lee Friedlander and Walker Evans, as well as Denis Diderot, Charles Marville, and Eug&amp;egrave;ne Atget, who documented the many facets of Paris life in three crucial periods. Rather than focus on singular, extraordinary figures and events as do most documentarians, Krieger looks instead at the typical, presenting multiple specific images that call attention to people and activities usually rendered invisible by commonality. He took tens of thousands of photographs of industrial sites, markets, electrical distributing stations, and storefront churches throughout Los Angeles. He also recorded the city's ambient sounds, from the calls of a tamale vendor to the buzz of a workshop saw. Krieger considers these samples from the urban sensorium in this innovative volume, resulting in a thoughtful illumination of the interplay of people with and within the built environment. With numerous maps and photographs, as well as Krieger's unique insights, Urban Tomographies provides an unusually representative and rounded view of the city.&lt;br /&gt; &lt;br /&gt; &lt;b&gt;Martin H. Krieger&lt;/b&gt; is Professor of Planning at the University of Southern California's School of Policy, Planning, and Development.&lt;/div&gt; &amp;nbsp;&lt;/div&gt; </text>
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&amp;nbsp;&lt;/div&gt;
Does the place where you lived as a child affect your health as an adult? To what degree does your neighbor's success influence your own potential? The importance of place is increasingly recognized in urban research as an important variable in understanding individual and household outcomes. Place matters in education, physical health, crime, violence, housing, family income, mental health, and discrimination&amp;mdash;issues that determine the quality of life, especially among low-income residents of urban areas.&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
Neighborhood and Life Chances: How Place Matters in Modern America brings together researchers from a range of disciplines to present the findings of studies in the fields of education, health, and housing. The results are intriguing and surprising, particularly the debate over Moving to Opportunity, an experiment conducted by the Department of Housing and Urban Development, designed to test directly the effects of relocating individuals away from areas of concentrated poverty. Its results, while strong in some respects, showed very different outcomes for boys and girls, with girls more likely than boys to experience positive outcomes. Reviews of the literature in education and health, supplemented by new research, demonstrate that the problems associated with residing in a negative environment are indisputable, but also suggest the directions in which solutions may lie.&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
The essays collected in this volume give readers a clear sense of the magnitude of contemporary challenges in metropolitan America and of the role that place plays in reinforcing them. Although the contributors suggest many practical immediate interventions, they also recognize the vital importance of continued long-term efforts to rectify place-based limitations on lifetime opportunities.&lt;/div&gt;
&amp;nbsp;&lt;/div&gt;
&lt;b&gt;Harriet B. Newburger&lt;/b&gt; is Community Development Research Advisor for the Federal Reserve Bank of Philadelphia.&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;b&gt;Eugenie L. Birch&lt;/b&gt; is Lawrence C. Nussdorf Professor of Urban Research and Education and Chair of the Department of City and Regional Planning at the School of Design at the University of Pennsylvania.&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;b&gt;Susan M. Wachter&lt;/b&gt; is Richard B. Worley Professor of Financial Management and Professor of Real Estate and Finance at The Wharton School and Professor of City and Regional Planning at the School of Design at the University of Pennsylvania.&lt;/div&gt;
&amp;nbsp;&lt;/div&gt;
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Ioana Iosa</text>
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                <text>&lt;div&gt;&lt;b&gt;Pr&amp;eacute;sentation par l'&amp;eacute;diteur :&lt;/b&gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
L&amp;rsquo;ouvrage de Ioana Iosa, con&amp;ccedil;u &amp;agrave; partir de sa th&amp;egrave;se de doctorat, affirme avant tout sa volont&amp;eacute; d&amp;rsquo;inscrire l&amp;rsquo;apologie monumentale que repr&amp;eacute;sente le Centre civique de Bucarest dans une histoire urbaine et sociale. De ce fait, l&amp;rsquo;auteur analyse les raisons qui ont guid&amp;eacute; sa mise en &amp;oelig;uvre et retrace le fil narratif de l&amp;rsquo;histoire bucarestoise, depuis la d&amp;eacute;claration d&amp;rsquo;ind&amp;eacute;pendance jusqu&amp;rsquo;&amp;agrave; l&amp;rsquo;int&amp;eacute;gration europ&amp;eacute;enne per&amp;ccedil;ue comme reconnaissance supr&amp;ecirc;me de l&amp;rsquo;Etat roumain. Ce travail permet donc de saisir la cristallisation du besoin de r&amp;eacute;alisations monumentales synonymes d&amp;rsquo;&amp;eacute;mancipation, de progr&amp;egrave;s et de reconnaissance internationale, en accord avec la d&amp;eacute;finition et la construction d&amp;rsquo;une capitale embl&amp;eacute;matique pour le jeune Etat roumain. Il compl&amp;egrave;te le peu d&amp;rsquo;&amp;eacute;tudes scientifiques traitant du Centre civique, &amp;agrave; la fois embl&amp;egrave;me et stigmate en raison des efforts exceptionnels octroy&amp;eacute;s pour sa construction, et prouve que ce dernier est une articulation imparfaite entre ambitions politiques, strat&amp;eacute;gies architecturales, enjeux &amp;eacute;conomiques et attentes de la soci&amp;eacute;t&amp;eacute; civile, ce qui permet &amp;agrave; l&amp;rsquo;auteur de reconsid&amp;eacute;rer l&amp;rsquo;id&amp;eacute;e que l&amp;rsquo;am&amp;eacute;nagement du Centre civique se doit exclusivement &amp;agrave; la m&amp;eacute;galomanie de Nicolae Ceausescu, s&amp;rsquo;agissant plut&amp;ocirc;t d&amp;rsquo;un projet embl&amp;eacute;matique, envisag&amp;eacute; d&amp;egrave;s la fin du XIXe si&amp;egrave;cle comme symbole d&amp;rsquo;un Etat-nation progressiste et moderne. Enfin, il aborde la question de la r&amp;eacute;ception d&amp;rsquo;un ensemble &amp;quot;id&amp;eacute;ologiquement charg&amp;eacute;&amp;quot; et met en lumi&amp;egrave;re le besoin toujours actuel de construire des b&amp;acirc;timents prestigieux en accord avec l&amp;rsquo;engagement de la Roumanie postcommuniste dans une nouvelle qu&amp;ecirc;te identitaire.&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;b&gt;Ioana Iosa&lt;/b&gt; est architecte, docteur en urbanisme et chercheuse au Centre de recherche sur l&amp;rsquo;habitat/UMR LAVUE.&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;b&gt;Sommaire&lt;/b&gt; :&lt;/div&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
Pr&amp;eacute;ambule&lt;br /&gt;
Introduction&lt;/div&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;b&gt;Monumentalit&amp;eacute; et nouveau portrait de la nation roumaine&lt;/b&gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;bull; A Architecture et urbanisme roumains avant la Seconde Guerre mondiale&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;bull; B La construction d&amp;rsquo;une capitale au XIXe et XXe si&amp;egrave;cle pour le jeune Etat roumain&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;bull; C La Grande Roumanie demande une capitale repr&amp;eacute;sentative&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;bull; D Les limites d&amp;rsquo;une monumentalit&amp;eacute; h&amp;eacute;t&amp;eacute;roclite&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;b&gt;Le Centre civique entre embl&amp;egrave;me et stigmate&lt;/b&gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;bull; A Architecture et urbanisme roumains de 1945 &amp;agrave; 1989&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;bull; B Un effort urbanistique sans pr&amp;eacute;c&amp;eacute;dent&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;bull; C L&amp;rsquo;accomplissement d&amp;rsquo;un r&amp;ecirc;ve&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;bull; D L&amp;rsquo;instrumentalisation de la monumentalit&amp;eacute; par le r&amp;eacute;gime socialiste&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;b&gt;Avant de conclure&lt;/b&gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;bull; A M&amp;eacute;tamorphoses et r&amp;eacute;investissements d&amp;eacute;mocratiques de la monumentalit&amp;eacute;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;bull; B A la recherche d&amp;rsquo;un nouvel embl&amp;egrave;me pour le Bucarest postcommuniste&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
Conclusion&lt;/div&gt;
&amp;nbsp;&lt;/div&gt;
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&amp;nbsp;&lt;/div&gt;
Le XXIe si&amp;egrave;cle conna&amp;icirc;tra-t-il, parall&amp;egrave;lement au d&amp;eacute;p&amp;eacute;rissement international et national de l&amp;rsquo;&amp;Eacute;tat, un &amp;quot;nouvel &amp;acirc;ge mondial des villes&amp;quot; ? On assiste en effet &amp;agrave; une imparable acc&amp;eacute;l&amp;eacute;ration de la transition urbaine &amp;agrave; l&amp;rsquo;&amp;eacute;chelle plan&amp;eacute;taire. Au d&amp;eacute;but du XIXe si&amp;egrave;cle, pas une ville au monde n&amp;rsquo;atteignait un million d&amp;rsquo;habitants ; en 1960 on en comptait 105 ; en 2009 la derni&amp;egrave;re &amp;quot;aire urbaine&amp;quot; au monde &amp;agrave; atteindre un million d&amp;rsquo;habitants figurait au 480e rang. La population de ces ensembles, dans bien des cas sup&amp;eacute;rieure &amp;agrave; celle de nombreux &amp;Eacute;tats de l&amp;rsquo;O.N.U., et la capacit&amp;eacute; de ceux-l&amp;agrave; &amp;agrave; capter et exploiter les flux &amp;eacute;conomiques globaux leur conf&amp;egrave;rent une puissance qui en fait d&amp;eacute;sormais, &amp;agrave; c&amp;ocirc;t&amp;eacute; des &amp;Eacute;tats, des acteurs directs du nouvel ordre mondial. Si les avantages de la m&amp;eacute;tropoli(tan)isation semblent incontestables pour la comp&amp;eacute;titivit&amp;eacute; &amp;eacute;conomique et technologique, les &amp;eacute;meutes urbaines n&amp;rsquo;ont pas cess&amp;eacute; depuis la seconde moiti&amp;eacute; du XXe si&amp;egrave;cle de se multiplier, en r&amp;eacute;ponse &amp;agrave; une marginalisation, voire &amp;agrave; une ghetto&amp;iuml;sation accrue, de populations paup&amp;eacute;ris&amp;eacute;es et stigmatis&amp;eacute;es.&lt;/div&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
La dualisation des territoires nationaux, entre les espaces m&amp;eacute;tropolisables qui gagnent et ceux d&amp;eacute;pourvus des ressources n&amp;eacute;cessaires pour participer &amp;agrave; la comp&amp;eacute;tition des villes entrepreuneuriales, traverse de l&amp;rsquo;int&amp;eacute;rieur les grands ensembles urbains : les nouvelles &amp;eacute;lites urbaines per&amp;ccedil;oivent souvent les probl&amp;egrave;mes des populations des &amp;quot;banlieues&amp;quot; comme des handicaps en termes de charges et d&amp;rsquo;images &amp;agrave; l&amp;rsquo;ascension de leur cit&amp;eacute;. Les errements des &amp;quot;politiques de la ville&amp;quot; &amp;eacute;tudi&amp;eacute;es ici plus particuli&amp;egrave;rement au Maghreb, en France et aux U.S.A., t&amp;eacute;moignent des difficult&amp;eacute;s &amp;agrave; d&amp;eacute;terminer une r&amp;eacute;ponse efficace entre les &amp;Eacute;tats et les villes elles-m&amp;ecirc;mes, et de la tendance &amp;agrave; d&amp;eacute;finir des programmes presque toujours sous le coup des &amp;eacute;v&amp;eacute;nements, en faisant pour l&amp;rsquo;essentiel des politiques de l&amp;rsquo;&amp;eacute;motion.&lt;/div&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
La situation des quartiers sensibles nous interroge sur la crise du temps postcolonial, sur le travail postnational des soci&amp;eacute;t&amp;eacute;s et sur les cons&amp;eacute;quences d&amp;rsquo;une r&amp;eacute;gulation postd&amp;eacute;mocratique de fait collat&amp;eacute;ralement associ&amp;eacute;e aux nouvelles m&amp;eacute;thodes de l&amp;rsquo;action publique. Mettant en regard les politiques de m&amp;eacute;tropoli(tan)isation et leurs impacts, d&amp;rsquo;un c&amp;ocirc;t&amp;eacute;, et les &amp;quot;politiques   de la ville&amp;quot;, de l&amp;rsquo;autre, La nouvelle sc&amp;egrave;ne urbaine r&amp;eacute;unit des &amp;eacute;l&amp;eacute;ments de r&amp;eacute;flexion sur les transformations des grands ensembles politiques actuels &amp;ndash; &amp;Eacute;tats en &amp;eacute;volutions et m&amp;eacute;gapoles en devenir &amp;ndash; et sur leur capacit&amp;eacute;, voire sur leur volont&amp;eacute;, de r&amp;eacute;gler les probl&amp;egrave;mes de s&amp;eacute;gr&amp;eacute;gation socio&amp;eacute;conomique de populations qui, au Maghreb, en Europe, aux U.S.A. et ailleurs, se chiffrent par millions.&lt;/div&gt;
&amp;nbsp;&lt;/div&gt;
&lt;b&gt;Pierre Robert Baduel&lt;/b&gt; est Directeur de recherche honoraire au CNRS en sociologie politique, ancien directeur du Centre d&amp;rsquo;&amp;eacute;tudes et de recherches sur l&amp;rsquo;urbanisation du Monde arabe (URBAMA, Tours) puis de l&amp;rsquo;Institut de recherche sur le Maghreb contemporain (Tunis).&lt;/div&gt;
&amp;nbsp;&lt;/div&gt;
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&amp;nbsp;&lt;/div&gt;
Th&amp;egrave;se pour le doctorat en science politique de l'Institut d'Etudes Politiques de Paris soutenue sous le titre : S&lt;i&gt;tyles de vie citadins, r&amp;eacute;invention des f&amp;eacute;minit&amp;eacute;s. Une sociologie politique de l'acc&amp;egrave;s aux espaces publics des jeunes Saoudiennes &amp;agrave; Riyad&lt;/i&gt;.&lt;/div&gt;
&amp;nbsp;&lt;/div&gt;
Membres du jury : M. Gilles KEPEL, Professeur des universit&amp;eacute;s (IEP de Paris) ; M. Michel KOKOREFF, Professeur des universit&amp;eacute;s (Nancy 2) ; Mme St&amp;eacute;phanie LATTE ABDALLAH, Charg&amp;eacute;e de recherche au CNRS (IREMAM Aix- en-Provence) ; Mme Catherine MARRY, Directrice de recherche au CNRS (CMH-Paris), rapporteure ; M. Erik NEVEU, Professeur des universit&amp;eacute;s (IEP de Rennes), rapporteur ; M. Ghassan SALAME, Professeur des universit&amp;eacute;s (IEP de Paris), directeur de th&amp;egrave;se.&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;b&gt;Sommaire&lt;/b&gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
Introduction.&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
Premi&amp;egrave;re partie. De la distinction nationale au discours de r&amp;eacute;forme : mod&amp;egrave;les de f&amp;eacute;minit&amp;eacute; et s&amp;eacute;gr&amp;eacute;gation(s) dans les espaces publics.&lt;br /&gt;
Chapitre I. S&amp;eacute;gr&amp;eacute;gation des sexes et discours de distinction nationale.&lt;br /&gt;
Chapitre II. Discours de r&amp;eacute;forme et nouveaux espaces accessibles aux femmes.&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
Deuxi&amp;egrave;me partie. N&amp;eacute;gocier la ville en tant que jeune Saoudienne : co&amp;ucirc;ts et modalit&amp;eacute;s d'acc&amp;egrave;s &amp;agrave; des styles de vie mobiles.&lt;br /&gt;
Chapitre III. Entre s&amp;eacute;curit&amp;eacute; et respectabilit&amp;eacute;, l'invisibilit&amp;eacute; comme modalit&amp;eacute; paradoxale d'acc&amp;egrave;s aux espaces urbains.&lt;br /&gt;
Chapitre IV. N&amp;eacute;gocier une mobilit&amp;eacute; et en payer le co&amp;ucirc;t.&lt;br /&gt;
Chapitre V. L'activit&amp;eacute; professionnelle comme style de vie, la r&amp;eacute;alisation de soi comme objectif.&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
Troisi&amp;egrave;me partie. La soci&amp;eacute;t&amp;eacute; des jeunes citadines : interactions et identifications au sein des espaces partag&amp;eacute;s.&lt;br /&gt;
Chapitre VI. Le d&amp;eacute;veloppement d'une homosociabilit&amp;eacute; : d&amp;eacute;passer la &amp;quot;discrimination&amp;quot; et le &amp;quot;racisme&amp;quot; ?&lt;br /&gt;
Chapitre VII. Transgresser ensemble.&lt;br /&gt;
Chapitre VIII. Style contre style : la performance de f&amp;eacute;minit&amp;eacute;s consum&amp;eacute;ristes.&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
Conclusion g&amp;eacute;n&amp;eacute;rale.&lt;/div&gt;
&amp;nbsp;&lt;/div&gt;
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                <text>&lt;div&gt;&lt;b&gt;Abstract from the publisher : &lt;/b&gt;&lt;/div&gt; &amp;nbsp;&lt;/div&gt; Does planning in contested cities inadvertedly make the divisions worse?  The 60s and 70s saw a strong role of planning, social engineering, etc but there has since been a move towards a more decentralised &amp;lsquo;community planning&amp;rsquo; approach.&lt;br /&gt; &lt;br /&gt; The book examines urban planning and policy in the context of deeply contested space, where place identity and cultural affinities are reshaping cities. Throughout the world, contentions around identity and territory abound, and in Britain, this problem has found recent expression in debates about multiculturalism and social cohesion. These issues are most visible in the urban arena, where socially polarised communities co-habit cities also marked by divided ethnic loyalties. The relationship between the two is complicated by the typical pattern that social disadvantage is disproportionately concentrated among ethnic groups, who also experience a social and cultural estrangement, based on religious or racial identity. &lt;br /&gt; &lt;br /&gt; Navigating between social exclusion and community cohesion is essential for the urban challenges of efficient resource use, environmental enhancement, and the development of a flourishing economy.&lt;br /&gt; &lt;br /&gt; The book addresses planning in divided cities in a UK and international context, examining cities such as Chicago, hyper-segregated around race, and Jerusalem, acting as a crucible for a wider conflict.&lt;br /&gt; &lt;br /&gt; The first section deals with concepts and theories, examining the research literature and situating the issue within the urban challenges of competitiveness and inclusion. Section 2 covers collaborative planning and identifies models of planning, policy and urban governance that can operate in contested space. Section 3 presents case studies from Belfast, Chicago and Jerusalem, examining both the historical/contemporary features of these cities and their potential trajectories.  The final section offers conclusions and ways forward, drawing the lessons for creating shared space in a pluralist cities and addressing cohesion and multiculturalism.  &lt;br /&gt; &lt;br /&gt; &amp;bull; Addresses important contemporary issue of social cohesion vs. urban competitiveness&lt;br /&gt; &amp;bull; focus on impact of government policies will appeal to practitioners in urban management, local government and regeneration&lt;br /&gt; &amp;bull; Examines role of planning in cities worldwide divided by religion, race, socio-economic, etc&lt;br /&gt; &amp;bull; Explores debate about  contested space in urban policy and planning&lt;br /&gt; &amp;bull; Identifies models for understanding contested spaces in cities as a way of improving effectiveness of government policy&lt;/div&gt; &amp;nbsp;&lt;/div&gt; &lt;b&gt;Frank Gaffikin &lt;/b&gt;and &lt;b&gt;Mike Morrissey &lt;/b&gt;are Professors in the Institute of Spatial and Environmental Planning, School of Planning and Civil Engineering at Queen's University Belfast.&lt;/div&gt; &amp;nbsp;&lt;/div&gt; &amp;nbsp;&lt;/div&gt; &amp;nbsp;&lt;/div&gt; &amp;nbsp;&lt;/div&gt; </text>
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V&amp;eacute;ritable pendant de &lt;i&gt;Apprendre &amp;agrave; voir l'architecture&lt;/i&gt; (1959, 18 &amp;eacute;ditions) pour la compr&amp;eacute;hension de l'urbanisme, &lt;i&gt;Apprendre &amp;agrave; voir la ville&lt;/i&gt; permet de cerner tous les ingr&amp;eacute;dients de la production urbaine &amp;agrave; travers l'exemple de la premi&amp;egrave;re ville moderne d'Europe : Ferrare, restructur&amp;eacute;e par Biagio Rossetti au XVIe si&amp;egrave;cle. Ici, il ne s'agit pas seulement d'observer la sp&amp;eacute;cificit&amp;eacute; de l'op&amp;eacute;ration urbanistique &amp;agrave; partir du noyau m&amp;eacute;di&amp;eacute;val. &amp;quot;Voir l'urbanisme&amp;quot; implique d'observer l'ensemble du processus de planification au coeur des structures urbaines comme oeuvre d'art, avec l'&amp;eacute;mergence d'&amp;eacute;l&amp;eacute;ments architectoniques telles que la place et la rue, dans une sorte de po&amp;eacute;tique de l'angle et de l'inachev&amp;eacute;.&lt;/div&gt;
&amp;nbsp;&lt;/div&gt;
&lt;b&gt;Bruno Zevi&lt;/b&gt; (1918-2000) est un architecte, th&amp;eacute;oricien, historien et critique d'art.&lt;/div&gt;
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