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                <text>The broad argument underpinning this thesis is that a feature of contemporary city life deserving further critical attention is that of the ‘extraordinary everyday.’ I coin this term as a way of identifying and describing an increasingly common place articulation or ‘interface’ between the extraordinary (that is, the production and experience of spectacle and intense affective states within the context of technologically mediated, contemporary urban space), and the everyday (the seemingly banal routines and structures that organise our day to day existence in a consumer society).</text>
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                <text>http://lallier.msh-vdl.fr/theses/items/show/960</text>
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              <elementText elementTextId="193122">
                <text>University of Melbourne</text>
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            <description>The topic of the resource</description>
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                <text>urban culture, urban life, urban sociology, festival, urban society, urban space, walking</text>
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                <text>Journeys in extraordinary everyday culture : Walking in the contemporary city</text>
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                <text>Cet article analyse le phénomène des joutes bourgeoises à travers la relation d'un tournoi imaginaire écrit par Pierre Gencien et la narration des joutes réelles dans les chroniques. Les relations de tournois traditionnelles enjolivent le récit des exploits des tournoyeurs en y ajoutant des personnages ou des épisodes inspirés des romans courtois. L'œuvre de Pierre Gencien mêle aussi réel au rêve, mais dans un but opposé. Ce bourgeois ne se sert pas de l'imaginaire pour sublimer le monde, mais pour s'en moquer. On touche ici un trait de la sensibilité bourgeoise qui associe avec jubilation, à travers la parodie, un goût manifeste pour le concret et pour le rire. Si l'on tente de relier cette œuvre à son contexte historique, on serait tenté d'en tirer plusieurs conclusions. Il est très probable, tout d'abord, que les bourgeois de Paris ont pratiqué les joutes avant 1305, date de la première joute non-noble attestée à Paris, car cette œuvre des années 1270-1280 ironise manifestement sur des pratiques déjà en vigueur. On peut en conclure ensuite que l'opposition à la noblesse, que l'on devine à travers ces joutes, ne se traduit pas par un complexe d'infériorité des bourgeois de Paris qui voudraient l'imiter pour mieux faire oublier leur prétendue macule roturière. Il semble bien qu'aux XIIIe et XIVe siècles les bourgeois de Paris aient été suffisamment sûrs et fiers de leur position sociale pour jouter aux yeux de tous comme des nobles, tout en gardant leur identité bourgeoise . Les joutes entre bourgeois à Paris s'inscrivent dans une tradition politique (le dialogue avec le prince par la fête) et culturelle (le goût pour le spectacle total, qui implique toute la ville) propre à la civilisation urbaine de l'espace flamand auquel la capitale appartient ; mais elles s'en singularisent par une chronologie resserrée sur un demi-siècle. On n'a plus trace de joutes non-nobles à Paris après 1332, tandis qu'elles perdurent en Flandre durant tout le XVe siècle. On peut toujours invoquer le défaut de sources, puisque la Chronique anonyme s'achève en 1339, mais il est plus sérieux d'incriminer un retournement de la conjoncture économique et politique. Selon le rythme observé au XIVe siècle, de nouvelles joutes auraient dû avoir lieu dans les années 1350 et on devine les raisons qui les ont ajournées : à la guerre qui touche l'Ile de France en 1346 succèdent la peste noire de 1348, la capture du roi Jean en 1355, puis la rébellion d'Etienne Marcel en 1358. Cette révolte, ainsi que celle des Maillotins en 1382, affectent durablement les relations entre le roi et ses bourgeois, ce qui explique que le début de règne brillant de Charles VI, qui avait pourtant le goût de la fête, n'ait pas donné lieu à des joutes autres que nobiliaires . La guerre civile entre Armagnacs et Bourguignons n'a guère été favorable à de telles réjouissances et, lorsque la conjoncture politique et économique redevient favorable dans la seconde partie du XVe siècle, les temps ont changé et les bourgeois conquérants des XIIIe et XIVe siècles ont, entre-temps, laissé le devant de la scène aux juristes savants. Les joutes bourgeoises à Paris marquent donc un moment privilégié de la civilisation urbaine médiévale : l'apogée de son premier essor, qui est en même temps son chant du cygne.</text>
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                <text>&lt;div&gt;&lt;b&gt;Abstract from the publisher:&lt;/b&gt;&lt;/div&gt; &amp;nbsp;&lt;/div&gt; Joyce, Benjamin and Magical Urbanism offers for the first time a sustained exploration of parallels between the fiction of James Joyce and the cultural criticism of Walter Benjamin. Benjamin is perhaps modernism&amp;rsquo;s most eloquent theorist, Joyce its finest writer of fiction; both haunted the same Paris streets at the height of the modernist moment, and both developed accounts of the flaneur&amp;rsquo;s encounter with the city, with commodity culture and with others, that were revolutionary in their day and continue to set the agendas for culture and cultural critique. To place some of the work of each side by side is to make evident their affinities: the skills of each as new cartographers of the urban, the interest of each in ethnicity, nationalism, and exile, the way in which the &amp;lsquo;Profane illumination&amp;rsquo; celebrated by Benjamin meets the &amp;lsquo;Epiphany&amp;rsquo; of Joyce&amp;rsquo;s A Portrait, as each rethought the epistemology of insight in the modernist moment. This collection explores these parallels between two of the greatest modernists, casting the aesthetic strategies of Joyce in the light of the aesthetic critique of Benjamin, opening up the politics of the one in the light of those of the other, and discerning the parallels between Joyce&amp;rsquo;s version of a modern urban world in which self and society effect an uneasy rapprochement and Benjamin&amp;rsquo;s modernist scenarios in which the aura might still linger. This collection discovers extraordinary parallels between the two writers who, writing in Paris, offered new accounts of urban selfhood and survival to the world.&lt;br /&gt; &lt;br /&gt; &lt;b&gt;Contents&lt;/b&gt;:&lt;br /&gt; &lt;br /&gt; Bibliographical Note&lt;br /&gt; Enda Duffy and Maurizia Boscagli - Introduction: Joyce, Benjamin and magical urbanism&lt;br /&gt; Douglas Mao - Arcadian Ithaca&lt;br /&gt; Ellen Carol Jones - Memorial Dublin&lt;br /&gt; Patrick McGee - The Communist fl&amp;acirc;neur, or, Joyce&amp;rsquo;s boredom&lt;br /&gt; Maurizia Boscagli - Spectacle reconsidered: Joycean synaesthetics and the dialectic of the mutoscope&lt;br /&gt; Graham MacPhee - Benjamin, Joyce and the disappearance of the dead&lt;br /&gt; Enda Duffy - The Happy Ring House&lt;br /&gt; Heyward Ehrlich - Joyce, Benjamin and the futurity of fiction&lt;br /&gt; Scott Kaufman - &amp;ldquo;That Bantry jobber:&amp;rdquo; William Martin Murphy and the critique of progress and productivity in Ulysses&lt;br /&gt; Paul K. Saint-Amour - The vertical fl&amp;acirc;neur: Narratorial tradecraft in the colonial metropolis&lt;/div&gt; &amp;nbsp;&lt;/div&gt; &lt;b&gt;Maurizia Boscagli &lt;/b&gt;is Associate Professor in the English Department at the University of California, Santa Barbara.&lt;/div&gt; &lt;b&gt;Enda Duffy &lt;/b&gt;is Professor in the English Department at the University of California, Santa Barbara.&lt;/div&gt; &amp;nbsp;&lt;/div&gt; </text>
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                <text>&lt;div&gt;&lt;b&gt;Pr&amp;eacute;sentation par l'&amp;eacute;diteur :&lt;/b&gt;&lt;/div&gt; &amp;nbsp;&lt;/div&gt; On se souviendra du po&amp;egrave;me de Baudelaire : &amp;quot;La forme d'une ville / Change plus vite, h&amp;eacute;las ! que le c&amp;oelig;ur d'un mortel&amp;quot;. En trois essais d&amp;eacute;cisifs, Rem Koolhaas nous oblige &amp;agrave; tourner la t&amp;ecirc;te vers ce que nos villes sont devenues. Qu&amp;rsquo;est-ce qu&amp;rsquo;un paysage urbain ? Comment le d&amp;eacute;crire ? Comment s&amp;rsquo;y rep&amp;eacute;rer ? Et que peut &amp;ecirc;tre aujourd&amp;rsquo;hui le travail de l&amp;rsquo;urbaniste ? Ces questions, Koolhaas ne les adresse pas aux sp&amp;eacute;cialistes mais aux femmes et aux hommes qui vivent dans les villes, qui marchent dans les villes, qui veulent respirer dans les villes.&lt;br /&gt; &lt;br /&gt; Dans &amp;quot;Bigness&amp;quot;, Koolhaas analyse les pr&amp;eacute;suppos&amp;eacute;s th&amp;eacute;oriques de l&amp;rsquo;architecture : sa place dans la pens&amp;eacute;e de la ville ; dans &amp;quot;La Ville g&amp;eacute;n&amp;eacute;rique&amp;quot;, il observe la m&amp;eacute;tropole contemporaine ; dans &amp;quot;Junkspace&amp;quot;, il secoue bien des pr&amp;eacute;jug&amp;eacute;s de la modernit&amp;eacute;.&lt;/div&gt; &lt;br /&gt; Koolhaas, qui fut aussi journaliste et sc&amp;eacute;nariste pour le cin&amp;eacute;ma, est un &amp;eacute;crivain. Il con&amp;ccedil;oit d&amp;rsquo;ailleurs la ville comme un grand r&amp;eacute;cit o&amp;ugrave; s&amp;rsquo;&amp;eacute;crivent les r&amp;eacute;cits de nos vies. Le lecteur se sentira pris par la main par cette &amp;eacute;criture tendue souvent provocatrice, parfois lyrique et toujours pr&amp;eacute;cise. C&amp;rsquo;est tout autrement qu&amp;rsquo;il regardera son cadre de vie apr&amp;egrave;s avoir lu Junkspace. Il pourra, lui aussi, repenser l&amp;rsquo;espace urbain.&lt;br /&gt; &lt;br /&gt; &lt;b&gt;Rem Koolhaas&lt;/b&gt; est architecte et urbaniste&lt;/div&gt; &amp;nbsp;&lt;/div&gt; </text>
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                <text>Pris entre les critiques émanant des défenseurs du patrimoine parisien et les plaidoyers favorables des historiens de l'architecture contemporaine, le campus de Jussieu, élevé à partir de 1964 sur le site de l'ancienne Halles aux vins, reste un objet architectural difficile à appréhender, et ce d'autant plus que le scandale de santé publique de l'amiante lui confère depuis dix ans une triste réputation.&lt;br /&gt;On émet ici l'hypothèse que « l'inachèvement de Jussieu », constaté après 1972, ne se limite pas à l'interruption du programme architectural tel qu'il avait été défini par Édouard Albert dix ans plus tôt : il s'agit également des difficultés nées de la difficile cohabitation entre deux universités qui s'opposent sur bien des points, alors que le projet de départ était prévu pour accueillir une structure unifiée et très hiérarchisée. Il s'agit enfin de l'incompréhension jamais dépassée entre architectes et usagers de ce lieu. On ne peut prendre pleinement la mesure de ce triple échec qu'en rappelant l'ambition démesurée de ce projet de quelques 400 000 m2, tant dans le domaine scientifique que sur le plan institutionnel, aussi bien en termes d'architecture publique que de programmation artistique. Dès lors, les solutions proposées depuis plus de trente ans pour l'aménagement du site sont envisagées non seulement comme autant de projets architecturaux visant remédier au caractère foncièrement inesthétique d'un bâtiment inachevé, mais aussi et surtout comme une série de solutions imaginées pour rendre possible une véritable vie universitaire sur le campus, ambition qui va bien au-delà de l'accroissement de la surface bâtie disponible. La crise de l'amiante, après 1996, marque le début de la rénovation du site, en même temps qu'est choisie une solution radicale : la dissociation des deux universités auparavant étroitement imbriquées, et le départ de l'une d'entre elles vers un autre lieu.&lt;br /&gt;Bâtiment exceptionnel par son histoire, le campus de Jussieu est également emblématique des difficultés récurrentes de l'architecture universitaire dans notre pays. On tentera en conclusion d'en livre une explication.</text>
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                <text>Jussieu l'inachevée</text>
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                <text>Connelly, Steve. Supervisor</text>
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                <text>European cities are becoming increasingly multicultural and diverse in terms of lifestyles and socioeconomic conditions. However, in planning for sustainable urban development, implications of this increased diversity and possibly conflicting perspectives are seldom considered.

The aim of this thesis is to explore dimensions of justice and politics in sustainable urban development by studying inclusionary/exclusionary effects of discursive power of official strategies for eco-friendly living on the one hand and everyday lifestyles on the other, in ethnically and socially diverse areas.

Two case studies have been conducted, one in a city district of Stockholm, Sweden, and one in an area of Sheffield, England. The empirical material consists of interviews with residents, interviews with planners and officials and an analysis of strategic planning documents. The case study in Stockholm illustrated the prevalence of a dominant discourse among residents in which Swedishness is connected with environmental responsibility in the form of tidiness, recycling and familiarity with nature. In Sheffield there are more competing and parallel environmental discourses. The mainstream British environmental discourse and sustainability strategies are being criticised from Muslim as well as green radical perspectives. The mainstream discourse is criticised for being tokenistic in its focus on gardening, tidiness, recycling and eco-consumption, and hence ignoring deeper unsustainable societal structures. This can be interpreted as a postpolitical condition, in which there is a consensus around “what needs to be done,” such as more recycling, but in which difficult societal problems and conflicting perspectives on these are not highlighted.

In the thesis it is argued that the strategies for urban sustainability are underpinned by Swedish/British middle-class norms, entailing processes of (self-)disciplining and normalisation of the Other into well-behaving citizens. It is argued that an appreciation of the multiple and others’ ways of saving natural resources would make the sustainability strategies more attuned to social and cultural diversity as well as more environmentally progressive. Finally, the importance of asserting the political in sustainability strategies is stressed, highlighting the organisation of society and possible alternative socioenvironmental futures.</text>
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                <text>eco-friendly living, sustainable urban development, diversity, justice, postpolitics, discourse, normalisation, discipline, othering</text>
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                <text>Just environments : Politicising sustainable urban development</text>
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&#13;
Plus fondamentalement encore, réfléchir aujourd’hui sur l’idée de politique territoriale juste, particulièrement dans le domaine urbain, suppose de questionner la notion même de justice spatiale.</text>
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  Nous analysons les justifications des acteurs engagés au c?ur des politiques participatives dans deux dispositifs en Belgique : les conseils consultatifs des locataires à Bruxelles et le budget participatif à Mons. L'étude des registres de justification des acteurs politiques, initiateurs de ces nouveaux projets, témoigne à la fois de l'existence d'un important fond normatif commun dans lequel ils puisent pour légitimer leur action et de l'usage différencié de celui-ci en fonction de l'échelle d'intervention, de l'auditoire présent et de la temporalité. Nous montrons aussi que la confrontation des dispositifs aux terrains locaux et aux autres acteurs produit une complexification du recours aux justifications. Enfin, si ces autres acteurs puisent eux aussi dans le même réservoir d'idées, ils le font avec des positionnements et des intentions parfois opposés.
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&#13;
Despite this chronic state of urban political warfare, Karachi is the cornerstone of the economy of Pakistan. Gayer’s book is an attempt to elucidate this conundrum. Against journalistic accounts describing Karachi as chaotic and ungovernable, he argues that there is indeed order of a kind in the city’s permanent civil war. Far from being entropic, Karachi’s polity is predicated upon organisational, interpretative and pragmatic routines that have made violence ‘manageable’ for its populations. Whether such ‘ordered disorder’ is viable in the long term remains to be seen, but for now Karachi works despite—and sometimes through—violence.</text>
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                <text>L'efficacité d'une politique de gestion de risques qui ne sont naturels qu'en apparence dépend grandement de la part faite à l'analyse des représentations collectives, des rumeurs et des rapports de force. Ce que les gens perçoivent de leur environnement donne donc lieu à un travail de négociation et d'interprétation de la réalité qui doit être au cœur de la gestion des risques. Cela signifie qu'il n'existe, en fait, ni risques naturels, ni catastrophes naturelles. La question de l'acceptabilité du risque et son intégration dans les politiques d'aménagement sont en jeu ici. Elle est abordée à partir du cyclone Katrina à la Nouvelle-Orléans.</text>
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