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12 septembre 2011

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La personne et la personnalit&amp;eacute; de Jean-Eudes Roullier (1931-2010) sont indissociables de l'histoire de l'am&amp;eacute;nagement urbain du dernier tiers du XXe si&amp;egrave;cle. Cet &amp;eacute;narque, devenu inspecteur des Finances r&amp;eacute;alisera l'essentiel de sa carri&amp;egrave;re au sein du minist&amp;egrave;re de l'&amp;Eacute;quipement. Directeur de l'urbanisme et des paysages puis d&amp;eacute;l&amp;eacute;gu&amp;eacute; &amp;agrave; la recherche et &amp;agrave; l'innovation, son nom reste associ&amp;eacute; &amp;agrave; une conception d&amp;eacute;cloisonn&amp;eacute;e de l'urbanisme.&lt;/div&gt;
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&lt;b&gt;Lo&amp;iuml;c Vadelorge&lt;/b&gt; est historien et enseigne &amp;agrave; l'universit&amp;eacute; Paris XIII.&lt;/div&gt;
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Marshall Poe, 
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                <text>&lt;div&gt;&lt;b&gt;Abstract from the distributor :&amp;nbsp;&lt;/b&gt;&lt;/div&gt;
&amp;nbsp;&lt;/div&gt;
In the late 19th century, French sociologist &amp;Eacute;mile Durkheim warned the world about spreading &amp;ldquo;normlessness&amp;rdquo; (anomie). He claimed that modern society, and particularly life in concentrated urban-industrial areas like Paris, left people without the sense of belonging that characterized &amp;ldquo;traditional&amp;rdquo; life. Durkheim was not alone in thinking that there was something fundamentally sick-making about modernity. Marx called the modern malady &amp;ldquo;alienation&amp;rdquo; (Entfremdung), Weber called it &amp;ldquo;disenchantment&amp;rdquo; (Entzauberung), and Freud called it &amp;ldquo;discontent&amp;rdquo; (Unbehagen). The more general term used in fin de si&amp;egrave;cle Europe was &amp;ldquo;neurasthenia,&amp;rdquo; a condition of nervous exhaustion caused by the frenetic pace of modern life.&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
The theory that modernity was pathological was put to the test on several occasions in the early twentieth century. One of the earliest was the Paris flood of 1910. It&amp;rsquo;s the subject of Jeffrey H. Jackson&amp;lsquo;s wonderfully told tale Paris Under Water: How the City of Light Survived the Great Flood of 1910 (Palgrave-MacMillan, 2010). By Jackson&amp;rsquo;s revealing lights, social science did not fare very well. When the Seine river literally rose up out of the ground and over its banks, things in Paris did not fall apart as Durkheim, Marx, Weber, and Freud might have predicted. Far from it: the Parisians generally pulled together, fought the rising waters, and helped one another. They were not &amp;ldquo;normless,&amp;rdquo; &amp;ldquo;alienated,&amp;rdquo; &amp;ldquo;disenchanted,&amp;rdquo; or &amp;ldquo;discontented.&amp;rdquo; They knew just who they were: French citizens. They knew just what to do: lend a hand. And they knew just why they did it: national duty. This isn&amp;rsquo;t to say that some sort of ideal democracy magically emerged out of the flood waters. It didn&amp;rsquo;t. As is always the case, people in desperate situations do desperate (and often stupid) things. The deluge ripped the veneer of normalcy from daily life and revealed underlying conflicts. But more than anything else the Paris flood revealed the remarkable strength of modern republican nation-states. Unlike their much praised &amp;ldquo;traditional&amp;rdquo; counterparts&amp;mdash;the monarchies of early modern Europe&amp;mdash;they did not fall apart when put under significant strain. They cohered and even grew stronger.&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
We shouldn&amp;rsquo;t think, however, that this solidarity was an entirely good thing. National unity had a much darker side, as would be shown only a few years later. Nations are often very good at helping themselves, as the Paris flood demonstrated. But they are also very good (if &amp;ldquo;good&amp;rdquo; is the right word) at fighting other nations, as was demonstrated with horrible clarity in World War I and World War II.&lt;/div&gt;
&amp;nbsp;&lt;/div&gt;
&lt;b&gt;Marshall Poe &lt;/b&gt;is Associate Professor and Director of Undergraduate Studies in the Department of History at the University of Iowa.&lt;/div&gt;
&lt;b&gt;Jeffrey H. Jackson &lt;/b&gt;is Associate Professor of History at Rhodes College.&lt;/div&gt;
&amp;nbsp;&lt;/div&gt;
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                <text>Depuis plus d’un siècle, de nombreux auteurs annoncent la fin de l’exotisme. Cet article réfute cette thèse. La place Jemaa el-Fna de Marrakech démontre en effet la durabilité de l’exotisme. L’image de la place dans la littérature occidentale n’a que peu changé depuis 1918. La place était un haut lieu dans l’imaginaire géographique colonial et oriental. Elle reste pour les touristes le décor par excellence de leur rêve marocain. En termes de stéréotypes, il n’y a pas grandes différences entre la place d’hier et celle d’aujourd’hui. Jemaa el-Fna est peut-être même plus exotique aujourd’hui qu’il y a un siècle.</text>
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J&amp;eacute;rusalem est la ville universelle, la capitale de deux peuples, le lieu saint de trois religions. Du roi David &amp;agrave; Ben Gourion, de la naissance du juda&amp;iuml;sme, du christianisme et de l&amp;rsquo;islam au conflit isra&amp;eacute;lo-palestinien, voici l&amp;rsquo;histoire de J&amp;eacute;rusalem, la cit&amp;eacute; universelle : trois mille ans de foi et de fanatisme, de conqu&amp;ecirc;te et d&amp;rsquo;occupation, de guerre et de coexistence entre diverses croyances. Simon Sebag Montefiore raconte les batailles, mais aussi les histoires d&amp;rsquo;amour et de haine des hommes et des femmes qui ont fait J&amp;eacute;rusalem &amp;mdash; soldats et proph&amp;egrave;tes, po&amp;egrave;tes et rois, courtisans et musiciens.&lt;/div&gt;
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&amp;nbsp;&lt;/div&gt;
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Jerusalem is the universal city, the capital of two peoples, the shrine of three faiths; it is the prize of empires, the site of Judgement Day and the battlefield of today's clash of civilisations. From King David to Barack Obama, from the birth of Judaism, Christianity and Islam to the Israel-Palestine conflict, this is the epic history of 3,000 years of faith, slaughter, fanaticism and coexistence.&lt;/div&gt;
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How did this small, remote town become the Holy City, the 'centre of the world' and now the key to peace in the Middle East? In a gripping narrative, Simon Sebag Montefiore reveals this ever-changing city in its many incarnations, bringing every epoch and character blazingly to life. Jerusalem's biography is told through the wars, love affairs and revelations of the men and women - kings, empresses, prophets, poets, saints, conquerors and whores - who created, destroyed, chronicled and believed in Jerusalem. As well as the many ordinary Jerusalemites who have left their mark on the city, its cast varies from Solomon, Saladin and Suleiman the Magnificent to Cleopatra, Caligula and Churchill; from Abraham to Jesus and Muhammad; from the ancient world of Jezebel, Nebuchadnezzar, Herod and Nero to the modern times of the Kaiser, Disraeli, Mark Twain, Rasputin and Lawrence of Arabia.&lt;/div&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
Drawing on new archives, current scholarship, his own family papers and a lifetime's study, Montefiore illuminates the essence of sanctity and mysticism, identity and empire in a unique story of the city that many believe will be the setting for the Apocalypse. This is how Jerusalem became Jerusalem: the only city that exists twice - in heaven and on earth.&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
The epic story of Jerusalem told through the lives of the men and women who created, ruled and inhabited it.&lt;/div&gt;
&amp;nbsp;&lt;/div&gt;
&lt;b&gt;Simon Sebag Montefiore &lt;/b&gt;is an historian and award-winning author of books including 'Young Stalin' and 'Stalin : The court of the red Tsar'.&lt;/div&gt;
&amp;nbsp;&lt;/div&gt;
&amp;nbsp;&lt;/div&gt;
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&#13;
Cette histoire a longtemps été oubliée et mérite à elle seule d’être racontée. On y croise un maire arabe polyglotte, un député ottoman franc-maçon, des Juifs levantins, mais aussi des archéologues occidentaux occupés à creuser le sous-sol pour faire ressurgir les lieux saints de la « Jérusalem biblique ». &#13;
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Vincent Lemire restitue cette période exceptionnelle en s’appuyant sur les recherches les plus récentes et sur de nombreuses sources inédites, notamment les archives de la municipalité ottomane de Jérusalem. &#13;
&#13;
Alors que la ville sainte est aujourd’hui à un nouveau tournant de son histoire et que la question de son partage se pose une fois encore, il faut se souvenir de cet « âge des possibles » qui peut livrer quelques clés pour mieux comprendre le présent et envisager l’avenir.&#13;
&#13;
Vincent Lemire, ancien élève de l’ENS Fontenay-Saint-Cloud, est maître de conférences à l’université Paris-Est Marne-la-Vallée. Il est actuellement en délégation CNRS au Centre de recherche français à Jérusalem. Spécialiste d’histoire urbaine, il a notamment publié La soif de Jérusalem. Essai d’hydrohistoire,1840-1948 (2011).</text>
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                <text>La question de départ est simple : est-il possible de créer deux capitales dans une même ville, alors que celle-ci est relativement petite (moins d'un million d'habitants), et comment les deux nations peuvent-ils se partager cet espace, qui est moins étendu que Paris intra-muros ? Pour comprendre les stratégies qu'Israéliens et Palestiniens déploient pour occuper la terre à Jérusalem, l'ouvrage s'intéresse à son urbanisme. Il en ressort que les projets urbains ne sont pas tous commandés par la compétition entre les deux peuples pour la souveraineté territoriale, mais qu'ils découlent aussi d'autres motifs et d'autres influences, notamment internationales.</text>
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                <text>La finalité de la thèse est de tenter de répondre à la question de savoir comment les spécificités des parcours de vie des jeunes des quartiers populaires, si elles existent, sont prises en compte dans les politiques publiques, et plus particulièrement dans les politiques de jeunesse à l'échelle locale, notamment celles impulsées par les municipalités. A partir de quels référentiels et de quelles représentations de la jeunesse se construisent ces politiques ? Et, in fine, qu'est-ce qui fait que les jeunes tantôt vont adhérer et tantôt vont résister à la " formalisation " des politiques de jeunesse.Pour ce faire, après avoir proposé une sociologie de la jeunesse contemporaine, mis en évidence les spécificités des parcours de vie des jeunes des quartiers populaires et défini les contours et les finalités des politiques de jeunesse, la thèse tente d'analyser la prise en compte des jeunes au travers de différents axes stratégiques constitutifs de l'action, notamment la citoyenneté et la participation, l'insertion sociale et professionnelle, et l'accès aux espaces publics.Réalisée en convention industrielle de formation par la recherche (CIFRE) au sein de RésO Villes, centre de ressources politique de la ville des régions Bretagne et Pays de la Loire, la thèse s'est essentiellement construite à partir des matériaux issus d'une recherche-action associant les Villes d'Angers, de Brest, Lorient, Nantes, Quimper, Rennes et Saint-Nazaire (67 entretiens réalisés avec des professionnels de jeunesse et des élus, 55 avec des jeunes des quartiers populaires et un cycle de plusieurs journées de réflexion avec ces mêmes acteurs)</text>
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Collectif</text>
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Mai 2008

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Samarcande

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74</text>
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                <text>&lt;div&gt;&lt;b&gt;Pr&amp;eacute;sentation par l'&amp;eacute;diteur :&lt;/b&gt;&lt;/div&gt;
&amp;nbsp;&lt;/div&gt;
Grandir &amp;agrave; Bruxelles ouvre-t-il l&amp;rsquo;esprit ? Comment le foisonnement de nationalit&amp;eacute;s, la pl&amp;eacute;thore d&amp;rsquo;offres sociales et culturelles sont-ils utilis&amp;eacute;s par les jeunes Bruxellois ? Comment s&amp;rsquo;approprient-ils l&amp;rsquo;espace urbain ?&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
Ces interrogations sociologiques ont rassembl&amp;eacute; diff&amp;eacute;rents acteurs associatifs et acad&amp;eacute;miques (SOS Jeunes &amp;ndash; Quartier Libre, Samarcande, IEB, et Julie Cailliez (ULB)) autour d&amp;rsquo;une recherche-action sur la mobilit&amp;eacute; des jeunes &amp;agrave; Bruxelles en fonction de leurs origines g&amp;eacute;ographiques. Dix jeunes d&amp;rsquo;Anderlecht, dix d&amp;rsquo;Etterbeek, dix de Woluwe ont r&amp;eacute;pondu individuellement &amp;agrave; nos questions.&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;nbsp; &lt;br /&gt;
Il s&amp;rsquo;agissait de confronter nos impressions d&amp;rsquo;un Bruxelles dual aux r&amp;eacute;alit&amp;eacute;s des adolescents. Pour les faire parler de leur utilisation de la ville, nous avons utilis&amp;eacute; la technique de &amp;laquo; cartes mentales &amp;raquo; qui consiste &amp;agrave; faire dessiner sur du papier blanc, &amp;agrave; main lev&amp;eacute;e et sans aucune aide ext&amp;eacute;rieure, les lieux fr&amp;eacute;quent&amp;eacute;s ou cens&amp;eacute;s &amp;ecirc;tre connus par un individu.&lt;/div&gt;
&amp;nbsp;&lt;/div&gt;
Dans le cadre de cette recherche, la m&amp;eacute;thodologie mise en &amp;oelig;uvre s&amp;rsquo;est appuy&amp;eacute;e sur la combinaison d&amp;rsquo;entretiens semi-directifs men&amp;eacute;s aupr&amp;egrave;s d&amp;rsquo;une trentaine de jeunes issus de milieux diff&amp;eacute;rents et sur la r&amp;eacute;alisation de cartes mentales par ces m&amp;ecirc;mes jeunes.&lt;/div&gt;
&amp;nbsp;&lt;/div&gt;
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  Lors des troubles de novembre 2005, les jeunes filles n'ont été mentionnées que pour commenter les actions commises par des garçons. Comment peut-on expliquer, à partir de l'analyse du quotidien des jeunes gens des quartiers, qu'elles n'expriment que rarement leur mécontentement sous une forme directe ? Les logiques de genre apparaissent fortement dans les rapports à l'espace du quartier et à l'univers scolaire tels que l'auteur a pu les observer et les analyser dans une commune de la banlieue parisienne. Si elles tiennent les filles à l'écart de la rue et de certaines formes d'expression, celles-ci n'en désavouent pas pour autant les garçons quand ils se font les porteurs d'une colère commune.
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                <text>Espaces et sociétés, n 128-129, 1, 2007-05-24, pp.39-53</text>
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                <text>&lt;div&gt;Le num&amp;eacute;ro 375 de Juillet-Ao&amp;ucirc;t 2010 de la revue Urbanisme consacre un dossier au tj&amp;egrave;me &amp;quot;Jeunesse : lieux et liens&amp;quot;&lt;br /&gt; &lt;br /&gt; &lt;b&gt;Extrait de l'&amp;eacute;ditorial de Lionel Larqu&amp;eacute; et Thierry Paquot :&lt;br /&gt; &lt;/b&gt;&lt;br /&gt; On le sait, les jeunesses (le pluriel est essentiel car, outre les &amp;eacute;carts &amp;eacute;conomico-sociaux qui fragmentent une classe d&amp;rsquo;&amp;acirc;ge, mettons de 12 &amp;agrave; 28 ans, il faut compter sur les diff&amp;eacute;rences culturelles et sexuelles) doivent avant tout ob&amp;eacute;ir : au sein de la famille, de l&amp;rsquo;&amp;eacute;cole &amp;agrave; l&amp;rsquo;universit&amp;eacute;, dans les clubs de sports et les conservatoires de musique ! Nulle part on ne sollicite leur avis, ne tient compte de leurs d&amp;eacute;sirs et revendications, ne les associe aux d&amp;eacute;cisions, qui pourtant &amp;ndash; et c&amp;rsquo;est l&amp;agrave; un insupportable paradoxe &amp;ndash; les concernent en priorit&amp;eacute;. Le d&amp;eacute;l&amp;eacute;gu&amp;eacute; de classe, tout comme l&amp;rsquo;&amp;eacute;lu au conseil municipal pour enfants, a une voix consultative, pas d&amp;eacute;cisionnelle. Entre soumission et consommation, il ne reste aux jeunes qu&amp;rsquo;&amp;agrave; obtemp&amp;eacute;rer ou &amp;agrave; ruser, jamais &amp;agrave; d&amp;eacute;ployer les expressions contradictoires de leur singularit&amp;eacute;. La question &amp;agrave; poser est donc la suivante : qu&amp;rsquo;est-ce qu&amp;rsquo;habiter pour un jeune, ici et maintenant ? Il ne s&amp;rsquo;agit pas seulement de droits et de devoirs, mais d&amp;rsquo;&amp;ecirc;tre ! En quoi est-il pr&amp;eacute;sent-au-monde-et-&amp;agrave;-autrui ? Car l&amp;rsquo;auto-organisation des jeunes fonctionne. Au-del&amp;agrave; d&amp;rsquo;exemples de collectifs artistiques au niveau local, ne voit-on pas ces mobilisations massives de jeunes sur la sc&amp;egrave;ne publique internationale, comme &amp;agrave; Copenhague en d&amp;eacute;cembre 2009, lors du Sommet de l&amp;rsquo;ONU sur le changement climatique ? Ce sont ces diff&amp;eacute;rences d&amp;rsquo;&amp;eacute;chelles territoriales que ce dossier explore en s&amp;rsquo;attardant sur des flash mob, des &amp;ldquo;r&amp;eacute;seaux sociaux&amp;rdquo; (Facebook), des &amp;ldquo;cit&amp;eacute;s&amp;rdquo; et des &amp;ldquo;quartiers&amp;rdquo; o&amp;ugrave; les &amp;ldquo;jeunes&amp;rdquo; nouent et d&amp;eacute;nouent mille et une relations. Les jeunesses poss&amp;egrave;dent des lieux sp&amp;eacute;cifiques, m&amp;ecirc;me lorsqu&amp;rsquo;ils sont partag&amp;eacute;s avec d&amp;rsquo;autres g&amp;eacute;n&amp;eacute;rations, et y d&amp;eacute;ploient des liens aux dur&amp;eacute;es et intensit&amp;eacute;s variables. &lt;br /&gt; &lt;br /&gt; &lt;a target="_blank" href="http://www.urbanisme.fr/issue/contents.php?code=375"&gt;Acc&amp;eacute;der au sommaire complet du num&amp;eacute;ro&lt;/a&gt;.&lt;/div&gt; &amp;nbsp;&lt;/div&gt; </text>
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                <text>" L'histoire récente des pays d'Amérique latine apporte un démenti sérieux au discours convenu selon lequel la crise économique serait toujours un facteur de déstabilisation pour les démocraties. Au contraire, ces vingt dernières années, ces pays ont montré combien la crise économique pouvait non seulement accélérer la chute de régimes dictatoriaux mais initier des processus de démocratisation inédits, plus décentralisés, et finalement plus soucieux de participation que de la représentation."</text>
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