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                <text>Hélène Vacher, Projection coloniale et ville rationalisée. Le rôle de l'espace colonial dans « la - constitution de l'urbanisme en France, 1900-1931</text>
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Anne Van Loo, 
Marie-C&amp;eacute;cile Bruwier, 
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12 mai 2010

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Fonds Mercator

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                <text>&lt;div&gt;&lt;b&gt;Pr&amp;eacute;sentation par l'&amp;eacute;diteur :&lt;/b&gt;&lt;/div&gt;
&amp;nbsp;&lt;/div&gt;
Depuis la nuit des temps, H&amp;eacute;liopolis &amp;eacute;voque une ville myst&amp;eacute;rieuse de l'Egypte ancienne qui, en Orient comme en Occident, nourrit l'imaginaire collectif.&lt;/div&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
Cette cit&amp;eacute; d'au moins 4500 ans, situ&amp;eacute;e &amp;agrave; la pointe du delta du Nil, n'est pas seulement le fruit d'un r&amp;ecirc;ve. Lieu de s&amp;eacute;jour pour les voyageurs de l'Antiquit&amp;eacute;, lieu de p&amp;egrave;lerinage depuis le Moyen Age et berceau d'une ville nouvelle cr&amp;eacute;&amp;eacute;e de toute pi&amp;egrave;ce &amp;agrave; l'aube du XXe si&amp;egrave;cle par le capitaine d'industrie Edouard Empain, H&amp;eacute;liopolis fait d&amp;eacute;sormais partie du Caire. Elle tire son originalit&amp;eacute; et son dynamisme actuels du dialogue entre les cultures dont elle est l'expression et qui la distingue, aujourd'hui encore, comme un des lieux les plus remarquables de cette m&amp;eacute;tropole.&lt;/div&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;b&gt;Anne Van Loo&lt;/b&gt; est architecte et urbaniste.&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;b&gt;Marie-C&amp;eacute;cile Bruwier&lt;/b&gt; est arch&amp;eacute;ologue et historienne de l'Art&lt;/div&gt;
&amp;nbsp;&lt;/div&gt;
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                <text>Héliopolis est aujourd'hui reconnue tant en Europe qu'en Égypte comme l'un des ensembles urbains contemporains parmi les plus cohérents et les mieux conservés de la métropole cairote. Cette création urbaine du XXe siècle est engagée depuis une dizaine d'années dans un processus de patrimonialisation qui, en 1997-1999, motiva une action d'expertise et la conception d'un projet de sauvegarde, puis à partir de 2000 une recherche historique approfondie basée sur l'analyse du bâti et d'un fonds d'archives – celui de la Compagnie d'aménagement d'Héliopolis – d'une exceptionnelle richesse. Le substrat bâti et les archives se renseignant mutuellement, l'équipe composée autour du programme de recherche a eu ainsi la chance de pouvoir documenter dans le plus fin détail les rapports entre le quotidien de la fabrication de la ville et les doctrines qui trament le projet urbain. C'est dans cet écart entre doctrine et pratique, trop rarement analysé par les historiens de l'architecture et de la ville pour ce qui est des ensembles urbains sud-méditerranéens de la période contemporaine, que se situe la recherche ici présentée.</text>
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Fran&amp;ccedil;oise Bayad, 
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Septembre 2011

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&lt;br /&gt;
La Ville de Lyon a toujours montr&amp;eacute; de la sympathie vis-&amp;agrave;-vis deHenri IV : une rue du Deuxi&amp;egrave;me arrondissement porte son nom, une c&amp;eacute;l&amp;egrave;bre maison du Vieux-Lyon a plac&amp;eacute; son buste &amp;agrave; l&amp;rsquo;un de ses angles, sa figure &amp;agrave; cheval a &amp;eacute;t&amp;eacute; hiss&amp;eacute;e au d&amp;eacute;but du XIXe si&amp;egrave;cle sur le beffroi de l&amp;rsquo;h&amp;ocirc;tel de ville.&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
La comm&amp;eacute;moration en 2010 du 4e Centenaire de son assassinat nous a sembl&amp;eacute; &amp;ecirc;tre l&amp;rsquo;occasion de revisiter l&amp;rsquo;histoire de Lyon au d&amp;eacute;but du XVIIe si&amp;egrave;cle, au sortir des guerres de religion, en se souvenant que c&amp;rsquo;est &amp;agrave; la cath&amp;eacute;drale Saint-Jean que Henri IV &amp;eacute;pousa Marie de M&amp;eacute;dicis qu&amp;rsquo;il &amp;eacute;tait venu accueillir apr&amp;egrave;s sa victoire militaire sur le duc de Savoie. &lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;b&gt;Sommaire&lt;/b&gt; :&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;bull; Introduction&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;b&gt;I. La ville&lt;/b&gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;bull; Le Rho&amp;#770;ne aux frontie&amp;#768;res de la ville &lt;br /&gt;
&amp;bull; Lyon pendant le re&amp;#768;gne de Henri IV, urbanisme et architecture&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;bull; Populations et migrations a&amp;#768; Lyon (Fin XVIe - de&amp;#769;but XVIIe)&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;bull; L&amp;rsquo;approvisionnement d&amp;rsquo;une grande ville, Lyon&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;b&gt;II. Henri IV a&amp;#768; Lyon&lt;/b&gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;bull; A&amp;#768; propos des entre&amp;#769;es royales de 1595 et de 1600&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;bull; Le second mariage de Henri IV&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;b&gt;III. Lyon et Henri IV&lt;/b&gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;bull; Transformer l&amp;rsquo;e&amp;#769;ve&amp;#769;nement en information : la me&amp;#769;diation politique a&amp;#768; la mort de Henri IV&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;bull; L&amp;rsquo;image de Henri IV chez les Lyonnais : 1589-1829. Essai d&amp;rsquo;iconographie historique compare&amp;#769;e&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;b&gt;IV. Henri IV et Lyon&lt;/b&gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;bull; La fin des ligueurs&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;bull; La reconstruction e&amp;#769;conomique a&amp;#768; Lyon sous Henri IV (1598-1610)&lt;/div&gt;
&amp;nbsp;&lt;/div&gt;
&amp;bull; Conclusion&lt;/div&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;b&gt;Fran&amp;ccedil;oise Bayard&lt;/b&gt; est professeur &amp;eacute;m&amp;eacute;rite d'histoire moderne &amp;agrave; l'universit&amp;eacute; Lumi&amp;egrave;re Lyon 2.&lt;/div&gt;
&amp;nbsp;&lt;/div&gt;
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&amp;nbsp;&lt;/div&gt;
1968, Henri Lefebvre publie Le droit &amp;agrave; la ville : deux mois avant les &amp;eacute;meutes de mai l'ouvrage devient vite un &amp;quot;manifeste&amp;quot;. Il s'inscrit dans un climat marqu&amp;eacute; par l'urbanisme fonctionnaliste, la fin de la ville industrielle, son &amp;eacute;clatement en banlieues et p&amp;eacute;riph&amp;eacute;ries. Les ann&amp;eacute;es suivantes confirmeront l'&amp;eacute;mergence de cette nouvelle r&amp;eacute;alit&amp;eacute;, l'urbain. De cette soci&amp;eacute;t&amp;eacute; urbaine en formation Henri Lefebvre esp&amp;egrave;re voir &amp;eacute;merger un nouvel horizon plus favorable &amp;agrave; l'homme.&lt;/div&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
Le th&amp;egrave;me est au c&amp;oelig;ur de son ouvrage et se traduit par la recherche d'un droit nouveau : &amp;quot;le droit &amp;agrave; la ville&amp;quot;. Le rappel du contexte et des d&amp;eacute;bats intellectuels ayant accompagn&amp;eacute; cette r&amp;eacute;flexion permet de comprendre les &amp;eacute;tapes qui ont jalonn&amp;eacute;, en France, la constitution d'une pens&amp;eacute;e sociologique de l'urbain. Henri Lefebvre va anticiper les mutations sociales et spatiales &amp;eacute;tudi&amp;eacute;es par les travaux contemporains.&lt;br /&gt;
Le droit &amp;agrave; la ville trace des pistes permettant de rendre compte de cette &amp;eacute;volution. Il permet de penser la ville actuelle et l'urbain comme probl&amp;egrave;mes du monde moderne.&lt;/div&gt;
&amp;nbsp;&lt;/div&gt;
Centre Pierre Naville&lt;/a&gt; d'Evry.&lt;/div&gt;
&amp;nbsp;&lt;/div&gt;
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R&amp;eacute;mi Hess</text>
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&amp;nbsp;&lt;/div&gt;
Henri Lefebvre (1901-1991) est le sociologue fran&amp;ccedil;ais dont les &amp;oelig;uvres sont les plus traduites et les plus comment&amp;eacute;es dans le monde.&lt;/div&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
Dans les ann&amp;eacute;es 1930, introducteur et commentateur des pens&amp;eacute;es de Hegel, Marx, L&amp;eacute;nine, Nietzsche (il fut l&amp;rsquo;un des premiers traducteurs de ces auteurs), Henri Lefebvre est d&amp;rsquo;abord un romantique r&amp;eacute;volutionnaire qui se donne comme objet des r&amp;eacute;alit&amp;eacute;s oubli&amp;eacute;es par la philosophie ou la sociologie. Ainsi, il d&amp;eacute;veloppe une Critique de la vie quotidienne d&amp;egrave;s 1947. En 1968, il publie Le droit &amp;agrave; la ville, qui initie une s&amp;eacute;rie d&amp;rsquo;ouvrages sur l&amp;rsquo;urbain, l&amp;rsquo;espace, qui en font l&amp;rsquo;un des penseurs incontournables de la soci&amp;eacute;t&amp;eacute; d&amp;rsquo;aujourd&amp;rsquo;hui.&lt;/div&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
Il &amp;eacute;tudie l&amp;rsquo;&amp;Eacute;tat, l&amp;rsquo;&amp;oelig;uvre. Il pratique la m&amp;eacute;thode r&amp;eacute;gressive-progressive et invente une th&amp;eacute;orie des moments, sociologie de la conscience. En tant que penseur du possible, il indique une voie pour sortir de la crise.&lt;/div&gt;
&amp;nbsp;&lt;/div&gt;
&lt;b&gt;Sandrine Deulceux&lt;/b&gt; est professeure au lyc&amp;eacute;e Albert-de-Mun &amp;agrave; Paris et a soutenu un master sur Henri Lefebvre.&lt;/div&gt;
&lt;b&gt;R&amp;eacute;mi Hess&lt;/b&gt; est sociologue, professeur &amp;agrave; l'universit&amp;eacute; de Paris 8. Il a &amp;eacute;t&amp;eacute; &amp;eacute;l&amp;egrave;ve puis biographe d'Henri Lefebvre.&lt;/div&gt;
&amp;nbsp;&lt;/div&gt;
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                <text>This dissertation discusses the mainly unpublished empirical, or "concrete", studies of urban space by Henri Lefebvre (1901 - 1991) and demonstrates that Lefebvre's theory of production of space cannot be understood without taking these studies into account. Based on archival research and interviews with former collaborators of Lefebvre, this dissertation allows for a re-reading of the theory of production of space that demonstrates its relevance for today's urban research and design practice in architecture and urbanism.

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Jean-Baptiste Minnaert</text>
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2011

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Infolio et Editions du Patrimoine

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&amp;nbsp;&lt;/div&gt;
Constructeur inventif et prolifique, Henri Sauvage (1873-1932) est l&amp;rsquo;un des pionniers de l&amp;rsquo;architecture du 20e si&amp;egrave;cle : ses recherches sur les immeubles &amp;agrave; gradins et la pr&amp;eacute;fabrication constituent l&amp;rsquo;une des bases des travaux men&amp;eacute;s par les g&amp;eacute;n&amp;eacute;rations de l&amp;rsquo;apr&amp;egrave;s-guerre.&lt;/div&gt;
&amp;nbsp;&lt;/div&gt;
De l&amp;rsquo;Art nouveau &amp;agrave; l&amp;rsquo;Art d&amp;eacute;co, il a constamment renouvel&amp;eacute; son art. La villa Majorelle &amp;agrave; Nancy, les habitations &amp;agrave; bon march&amp;eacute;, l&amp;rsquo;immeuble de la rue Vavin et La Samaritaine &amp;agrave; Paris, les magasins Decr&amp;eacute; &amp;agrave; Nantes sont les principaux jalons d&amp;rsquo;une oeuvre multiforme, qui comprend &amp;eacute;galement des papiers peints et de remarquables ensembles mobiliers.&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;b&gt;Jean-Baptiste Minnaert&lt;/b&gt; est professeur d&amp;rsquo;histoire de l&amp;rsquo;art contemporain &amp;agrave; l&amp;rsquo;universit&amp;eacute; Fran&amp;ccedil;ois-Rabelais de Tours et membre de l&amp;rsquo;&amp;eacute;quipe de recherche InTRu (Interactions, transferts, ruptures artistiques et culturels). Il a consacr&amp;eacute; &amp;agrave; Henri Sauvage une th&amp;egrave;se de doctorat (soutenue &amp;agrave; Paris IV en 1994) et trois ouvrages (Henri Sauvage, 1873-1932. Projets et architectures &amp;agrave; Paris, IFA, 1994, The architectural drawings of Henri Sauvage, Garland, 1994, Henri Sauvage, ou l&amp;rsquo;exercice du renouvellement, Norma, 2002). Il s&amp;rsquo;est ensuite sp&amp;eacute;cialis&amp;eacute; dans l&amp;rsquo;analyse des espaces urbains (faubourg Saint-Antoine &amp;agrave; Paris, H&amp;eacute;liopolis au Caire) et l&amp;rsquo;historiographie de l&amp;rsquo;architecture et du patrimoine. Membre du Conseil national de l&amp;rsquo;Inventaire g&amp;eacute;n&amp;eacute;ral du patrimoine culturel, il consacre aujourd&amp;rsquo;hui ses recherches &amp;agrave; la question du p&amp;eacute;riurbain.&lt;/div&gt;
&amp;nbsp;&lt;/div&gt;
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&#13;
Il n’est pas habituel de présenter un dossier biographique dans Histoire urbaine : la ville relève de phénomènes collectifs, et c’est selon les orientations d’une histoire économique et sociale qu’elle est en général saisie dans son historicité. Cela implique dans nos colonnes un peu de réserve à l’égard d’une historiographie écrite principalement à travers l’itinéraire et l’œuvre des théoriciens, concepteurs, architectes ou urbanistes, les « fabricants de ville » les plus apparents. Alors pourquoi consacrer aujourd’hui un dossier à Henri Sellier, déjà connu comme l’un des acteurs significatifs de l’urbanisme en France sous la Troisième République ?&#13;
&#13;
Henri Sellier (1883-1943) occupe depuis les années 1990 une place reconnue dans l’histoire urbaine en France, et c’est donc dans une optique d’approfondissement que ce dossier se situe. Il ne s’agira pas de le placer dans un quelconque panthéon des inspirateurs de l’urbanisme contemporain, mais plutôt d’interroger son temps, et surtout un ensemble de pratiques et d’actions, de références aussi, dont sa génération est porteuse. Car Sellier fut un « spécialiste » de la ville peu ordinaire : « homme de réseaux » et d’organisation, mais aussi homme de représentativité républicaine, c’est par l’engagement politique et le « mandat » qu’il s’immergea dans les questions urbaines de son temps. Militant coopératif et socialiste, élu de la SFIO en banlieue parisienne, maire de Suresnes, il resta jusqu’à sa mort de ce côté-ci des responsabilités. En aucun cas Sellier ne fut donc un technicien, un professionnel de la ville au sens où les urbanistes et aménageurs le posent quelquefois. Sa façon de concevoir l’action – principalement dans l’agglomération parisienne – passe par des jeux collectifs, une posture que le système institutionnel dans lequel il se trouvait a parfois favorisée. La génération intellectuelle d’Henri Sellier, faite de ses amis le sociologue Maurice Halbwachs ou de l’historien Marcel Poëte, un peu plus âgé, ambitionna de démontrer la nature sociale des faits urbains, les liens entretenus entre la croissance des métropoles et les forces du capitalisme ou encore le travail de la longue durée dans l’évolution des villes... &#13;
&#13;
Sommaire : &#13;
&#13;
- Laurent COUDROY DE LILLE, "Henri Sellier (1883-1943) ou la cause des villes"&#13;
&#13;
- Emmanuel BELLANGER, "Du socialisme au Grand Paris solidaire"&#13;
&#13;
- Benjamin JUNG, "La réforme du placement à l'échelle de l'agglomération parisienne"&#13;
&#13;
- Mayalène GUELTON, "Les leçons de l'étranger"&#13;
&#13;
- Danièle VOLDMAN, "Les modèles urbains et leur mise en œuvre à l'Office départemental d'HBM de la Seine"&#13;
&#13;
- Stéphane FRIOUX, "Un maire au service de la circulation des savoirs sur et pour la ville"&#13;
&#13;
- Jean-Pierre FREY, "Henri Sellier, Raymond Unwin et l'urbanisme"</text>
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Contrairement à l'idée que l'on peut se faire d'une ville parlementaire, Grenoble a 
un patrimoine architectural médiocre. L'attitude des élites urbaines au siècle des 
Lumières vis-à-vis de l'habitat est donc à étudier, en particulier celle de la magistrature, traditionnellement présentée comme une noblesse patricienne. La discré-tion de leurs hôtels, la pratique répandue de la location témoignent de l'absence 
d'enjeu symbolique du logement, dans une ville que les parlementaires dominent 
sans conteste. Si, dans la première moitié du XVIIIe siècle, une tendance à la 
ségrégation se dessine, les magistrats quittant la proximité du palais au centre 
de la ville pour aller habiter les nouveaux quartiers aérés de l'Ouest, celle-ci 
s'estompe à partir des années 1780 : le recrutement plus ouvert de la Compagnie 
correspond à un réinvestissement des ruelles étroites et populeuses du centre 
médiéval. On peut s'interroger sur les motivations politiques du choix du 
domicile : plusieurs meneurs de l'opposition parlementaire, si forte à Grenoble, 
vivent ainsi dans les quartiers populaires. S'il est difficile de conclure à un choix 
conscient, il est sûr que cette proximité a contribué à fortifier les solidarités 
urbaines à la veille de la Révolution.
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                <text>Histoire urbaine, n 5, 1, 2002-03-01, pp.5-25</text>
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              <name>Title</name>
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                  <text>Multimédia</text>
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                  <text>Crévilles</text>
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      <name>Moving Image</name>
      <description>A series of visual representations that, when shown in succession, impart an impression of motion.</description>
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                <text>Hérouville, trait pour trait</text>
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2006

</text>
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20'</text>
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Benoit Raoulx</text>
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                <text>&lt;div&gt;Des habitants parlent et dessinent leur ville. Des cartes mentales qui r&amp;eacute;v&amp;egrave;lent tout l'enjeu des m&amp;eacute;moires dans l'image des territoires.&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;strong&gt; Benoit Raoulx&lt;/strong&gt; est professeur &amp;agrave; l&lt;a target="_blank" href="http://www.unicaen.fr/"&gt;'universit&amp;eacute; de Caen&lt;/a&gt; .&lt;/div&gt;
&lt;/div&gt;
&lt;!--FIN DU COMMENTAIRE--&gt;
&amp;nbsp;&lt;/div&gt;
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              <name>Title</name>
              <description>A name given to the resource</description>
              <elementTextContainer>
                <elementText elementTextId="644244">
                  <text>Espace Populations Sociétés</text>
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              <description>An account of the resource</description>
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                  <text>www.persee.fr/static-image/img_revue?name=espos_Couverture.png</text>
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            <name>Coverage</name>
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                <text>550-551</text>
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            <name>Language</name>
            <description>A language of the resource</description>
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                <text>fre</text>
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            <name>Publisher</name>
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                <text>PERSEE</text>
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            <name>Title</name>
            <description>A name given to the resource</description>
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                <text>Hervé Le Bras : Une autre France</text>
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            <name>Type</name>
            <description>The nature or genre of the resource</description>
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                <text>compterendu</text>
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                  <text>Collection of HAL papers</text>
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                <text>La possession de véhicules motorisés, et notamment de voitures, n'est pas chose simple dans les villes subsahariennes marquées par « le manque de moyens » d'autant que la crise économique a fragilisé un peu plus la situation des ménages. Et pourtant, malgré, ou à cause de leur usage sélectif, les modes motorisés demeurent parés de toutes les vertus. Des analyses comparées des données issues d'enquêtes-ménages sur les conditions de déplacement dans trois capitales sahéliennes, Bamako, Ouagadougou et Niamey, permettent de confirmer ce diagnostic d'une hiérarchie modale reflétant implicitement la hiérarchie sociale, d'autant que les pratiques, minoritaires, d'accès élargi à la voiture permet à tout un chacun d'espérer accéder à ce mode, au moins ponctuellement. A l'inverse la bicyclette, bien que fonctionnelle, apparaît marginalisée du fait d'une image sociale très dévalorisée.</text>
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                <text>Démographie et transport : villes du Nord et villes du Sud</text>
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                <text>36</text>
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                <text>Folin, Marco</text>
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                <text>2003</text>
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                <text>Jusqu'à la fin de l'Ancien Régime, en Italie le nom de  città ne désignait pas de façon  générale un centre urbain, mais seulement les villes épiscopales munies d'une  certaine autonomie politique (au contraire, pour nommer les centres mineurs, on  utilisait des noms totalement différents : terre, castelli, ville, etc.). Cet article se propose d'enquêter  sur les raisons de cette pratique de longue durée, en reliant usages  linguistiques et intérêts corporatifs de patriciats urbains qui fondaient leur  hégémonie sociale et culturelle sur la supériorité de la ville sur la  campagne.</text>
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                <text>http://www.cairn.info/article.php?ID_ARTICLE=GEN_051_0004</text>
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            <description>A language of the resource</description>
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                <text>fre</text>
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                <text>Cairn</text>
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                <text>Genèses, 51, 2, 2003-06-01, pp.4-25</text>
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                <text>Hiérarchies urbaines/ hiérarchies sociales :</text>
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              <description>A name given to the resource</description>
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                  <text>Autres serveurs</text>
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              <description>An account of the resource</description>
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                  <text>Crévilles</text>
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                <text>Kaplan, David H. Advisor</text>
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                <text>Kalra, Rajrani</text>
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                <text>2007</text>
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            <description>An account of the resource</description>
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                <text>High technology is defined as software and hardware firms, information technology enabled services and fiber optics. These firms locate in large cities and take advantage of cheap and high skilled technical skills with knowledge of English language to promote efficiency and productivity in global enterprises. The overarching question addressed in this research is why do some urban regions grow and others stagnate in the global economy? Why do high technology firms choose to locate in some urban areas and not other cities? Since the 1990s the Indian government implemented the policy of liberalization, deregulation and globalization. Large cities such as Bengaluru, Delhi, and Mumbai have experienced a process of urban growth based on agglomeration economies and this has manifested several spatial changes such as specialization of urban regions, growing urban interdependencies, new patterns in the spread of technologies, changes in the product mix of regions and changes in the product mix of the local economy. This research is a study of the Bengaluru and examines the following two major questions: (1) Has the location of high technology in Bengaluru contributed to intra-urban transformations at the ward level? and (2) Have the high tech firms created social gaps within the different wards of Bengaluru? This research uses both quantitative, qualitative methods and geographic information systems (GIS) for analyzing data. Secondary data was collected from Bangalore Development Authority (BDA), Bangalore City Corporation (BCC), Bangalore Transportation Authority (BTA), Census of India, and Department of Information and Technology, Bengaluru. Primary data was collected through interviews. This research concludes that the location of high tech firms has increased the gap and has transformed the high tech wards and non-high tech wards socially and economically and even culturally. The high tech firms do not simply agglomerate in proximity to educational institutions within wards but coexist where wards are characterized by high literacy, illiteracy, slum population, high rise luxurious apartments, shopping malls, poverty and homelessness. An example of such a ward is Koramangala with the best residential locality, excellent educational institutions and cluster of slums are found.</text>
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                <text>http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=kent1195648204</text>
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                <text>http://lallier.msh-vdl.fr/theses/items/show/1098</text>
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                <text>en</text>
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                <text>Kent State University</text>
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            <name>Subject</name>
            <description>The topic of the resource</description>
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                <text>high technology, urban change, Bengaluru</text>
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            <name>Title</name>
            <description>A name given to the resource</description>
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                <text>High technology and intra-urban transformations: A case study of Bengaluru, India</text>
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                  <text>Archives ouvertes des études urbaines</text>
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                  <text>Collection of HAL papers</text>
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                  <text>HAL</text>
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            <description>The spatial or temporal topic of the resource, the spatial applicability of the resource, or the jurisdiction under which the resource is relevant</description>
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                <text>Paris</text>
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                <text>Libourel, Eloïse</text>
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                <text>2012-04-16</text>
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            <description>An account of the resource</description>
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                <text>Since October 2010, Valencia has been connected to Madrid by the third radial high-speed rail axis. The city now intends to reach a nodal position within the network, thanks to its selected situation on the "Mediterranean corridor" project. The implementation of the AVE (Spanish high speed rail) reactivated Valencia Parque Central project, which aim is to transform disused railways into a park and to build a station and its tracks underground. AVE's implementation in Valencia is a major political issue at all scales. The institutions of Valencia's autonomous Community called for the AVE, which is supposed to boost tourism and regional economy, and to consolidate its position of outer harbour and beach of Madrid. The second issue concerns cities more directly. The realisation of a new railway station is an old project, but it is made possible, even necessary, with the arrival of the AVE. This project of a new station relies on an ambitious underground infrastructure, above which an urban park of 23ha and a business district should be created, giving the city a new centrality. Behind this project, there is a challenge for mobility at a metropolitan scale in Valencia. Parque Central concrete project is limited to the development of a business district in a section of the city, and remedial measures to improve the interconnection of networks.</text>
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                <text>http://hal-enpc.archives-ouvertes.fr/hal-00734234</text>
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                <text>http://hal-enpc.archives-ouvertes.fr/docs/00/73/42/34/PDF/Libourel_paper_maps_BUFTOD.pdf</text>
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                <text>Building the urban futures, Transit-Oriented development</text>
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                <text>Building the urban future and transit oriented development (BUFTOD)</text>
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            <description>The topic of the resource</description>
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                <text>[SHS:GEO] Humanities and Social Sciences/Geography</text>
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                <text>High-speed rail reshaping urban areas: Valencia Parque Central</text>
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                <text>conference proceeding</text>
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