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                <text>Qu'il s'agisse d'un Plan de Déplacements en Entreprises (PDE) dans le secteur privé ou d'un Plan de Déplacements Administrations (PDA) pour les services de l'Etat, la démarche des plans de mobilité conduit les employeurs volontaires à s'interroger sur les pratiques de leurs salariés en matière de transports pour se rendre sur leur lieu de travail mais aussi pour réaliser, le cas échéant, leurs déplacements professionnels. Transposée au niveau d'un établissement d'enseignement supérieur comme l'université du Havre, une telle initiative amène à considérer différents groupes d'individus : les enseignants et personnels administratifs, en poste ou vacataires, d'une part ; les étudiants d'autre part ; l'ensemble des intervenants au titre des activités annexes (restauration, livraisons, courriers, entretien des locaux...) enfin. La présence de ces acteurs variés sur l'un des quatre sites de l'université induit obligatoirement un déplacement tout comme sont également à l'origine de déplacements nombreux les relations entre ces différents sites, notamment vers le site Lebon situé en ville « basse » et qui accueille la bibliothèque universitaire. La mise en place depuis mars 2007 du Plan Local de Déplacements (P.L.D.) de l'université du Havre s'inscrit comme l'une des actions fortes de l'Agenda 21 d'établissement, l'une de ses réalisations les plus concrètes peut-être aussi à ce jour avec des nombreuses initiatives déjà menées sur la question des mobilités individuelles principalement.</text>
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                <text>Les mutations majeures de l'organisation de l'espace économique semblent remettre en question le concept de centralité et ses applications tout particulièrement à l'échelle de la ville, des réseaux de villes et de l'économie globalisée. L'étalement urbain fait émerger une centralité diffuse, multiple. La globalisation recompose les flux matériels et immatériels, et redistribue le pouvoir économique au bénéfice des villes globales. Une analyse précise des termes « centre » et « centralité » et des phénomènes qu'ils recouvrent permet de montrer que les schémas classiques, convenablement adaptés, restent pertinents à l'échelle des villes, mais que de nouveaux schémas de centralité apparaissent bien au niveau mondial, essentiellement sur une base réticulaire. / The major changes of economic space organization seem to cast doubt over the concept of centrality and its applications, especially at the city, city network and global economy scales. Urban sprawl gives rise to a diffused or multiple centrality. Economic globalization reorganizes material and immaterial flows, and redistributes economic power to the advantage of global cities. A precise analysis of the terms center and centrality and of the phenomena they refer to permits to show that the classical patterns, if they are properly adapted, remain relevant at the urban scale, but that new centrality patterns are emerging at the world scale, on a reticular basis.</text>
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                <text> Varsovie</text>
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            <description>The spatial or temporal topic of the resource, the spatial applicability of the resource, or the jurisdiction under which the resource is relevant</description>
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            <name>Date</name>
            <description>A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource</description>
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            <description>An account of the resource</description>
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Bien que la région soit un concept multiforme, voire omniforme, le découpage régional est le
cadre privilégié de la pensée spatiale et de l'action territoriale. Or, la moitié des êtres humains du
monde, et plus des trois quarts des Européens, habitent dans une ville. Les villes produisent plus que
proportionnellement à leur poids démographique, et concentrent les activités économiques de haut
niveau, particulièrement la production de haute technologie, les sièges sociaux, la finance et les services
aux entreprises. Dans l'économie globalisée, les performances régionales semblent être soumises à celles
des villes, et les interactions économiques régionales, nationales et mondiales sont principalement le
fait des villes. Ce papier examine le décalage entre, d'une part, la prégnance du concept de région et
du découpage régional et, d'autre part, le rôle dominant des villes dans l'économie. Le biais régional
a des sources profondes et durables, théoriques comme empiriques. Mais même si la région cache la
ville, elle reste un cadre territorial incontournable.
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                <text>Revue d'Économie Régionale &amp; Urbaine, avril, 2, 2009-05-01, pp.267-287</text>
              </elementText>
            </elementTextContainer>
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              <elementText elementTextId="420137">
                <text>région</text>
              </elementText>
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              </elementText>
              <elementText elementTextId="420139">
                <text> économie spatiale</text>
              </elementText>
              <elementText elementTextId="420140">
                <text>city</text>
              </elementText>
              <elementText elementTextId="420141">
                <text> region</text>
              </elementText>
              <elementText elementTextId="420142">
                <text> spatial economics</text>
              </elementText>
            </elementTextContainer>
          </element>
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            <name>Title</name>
            <description>A name given to the resource</description>
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                <text>
        L'idée de région et le fait urbain The idea of region and the urban fact
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                <text> Perreur, Jacky</text>
              </elementText>
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            <name>Date</name>
            <description>A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource</description>
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                <text>2009</text>
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            <name>Description</name>
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            <elementTextContainer>
              <elementText elementTextId="420343">
                <text>
      
Les mutations majeures de l'organisation de l'espace économique semblent remettre en question le
concept de centralité et ses applications, tout particulièrement à l'échelle de la ville, des réseaux de
villes et de l'économie globalisée. L'étalement urbain fait émerger une centralité diffuse, multiple.
La globalisation recompose les flux matériels et immatériels, et redistribue le pouvoir économique
au bénéfice des villes globales. Une analyse précise des termes « centre » et « centralité » et des
phénomènes qu'ils recouvrent permet de montrer que les schémas classiques, convenablement adaptés,
restent pertinents à l'échelle des villes, mais que de nouveaux schémas de centralité apparaissent bien
au niveau mondial, essentiellement sur une base réticulaire.
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            </elementTextContainer>
          </element>
          <element elementId="44">
            <name>Language</name>
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            <elementTextContainer>
              <elementText elementTextId="420345">
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          </element>
          <element elementId="47">
            <name>Rights</name>
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              <elementText elementTextId="420346">
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        À la recherche de la centralité perdue
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  La gentrification désigne le processus par lequel la classe moyenne s'approprie les quartiers centraux des villes dans une logique de l'entre-soi. En fait, les contextes urbains sont très différents ; les trajectoires résidentielles des entrants ou des sortants sont diverses ; les catégories populaires et moyennes concernées ne sont pas homogènes et ont évolué dans le temps.
  La gentrification n'est pas le seul processus de localisation des catégories moyennes et se distingue de la création de nouveaux quartiers urbains qui attirent une population aisée sur d'anciens espaces industriels ou portuaires, ou encore des effets de filtrage de population qui découlent de l'augmentation des prix immobiliers dans les grandes villes.
  L'« entre soi » est plus souvent une conséquence qu'un choix. Il rassemble les consommateurs des mêmes styles de vie ou « modes d'occupation », plus que les membres d'un groupe social.
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                <text>En France, le terme de “ Grand projet ”, en matière d'aménagement urbain, a tendance à renvoyer à de grandes opérations ponctuelles: Beaubourg, Grand Louvre, Grande bibliothèque, Stade de France, etc., autant d'opérations exceptionnelles liées à une volonté politique forte - parfois même à celle de marquer un mandat – et le plus souvent points d'ancrage de la requalification d'un quartier. Dès lors le “ grand projet ” peut constituer le point d'appui ou la matérialisation d'un “ projet urbain ” dans son acception politique, qu'il nous semble intéressant d'analyser à la fois d'un point de vue interne, dans son fonctionnent urbain, à l'échelle du quartier ou de la ville, et d'un point de vue externe comme élément d'une métropole régionale ou d'une ville connectée sur l'international. Aussi, la lecture conjuguée des notions de “ grand projet ” et de “ projet urbain ” nous semble particulièrement pertinente pour le double regard qu'offre l'objet face à l'ambitieux projet politique et inversement, pour la matérialisation de ce dernier sous une forme architecturale et urbanistique et comme occasion de mettre en place des dispositifs opérationnels susceptibles de dénouer des conflits locaux. Ainsi le grand projet renvoie aussi bien à la question de la transformation de la ville comme réalité physique qu'à celle de la promotion d'une image, que ce soit celle d'un homme ou d'une ville.&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;Lyon nous paraît alors à même de fournir des illustrations possibles de différents types de grands projets, témoins en leur temps de modes différenciés d'agencement des finalités multiples de l'action publique urbaine et matérialisation de modes de “ penser et de faire la ville ” caractéristiques de leur époque. Au début des années 1980, l'implantation dans le quartier de Gerland de l'Ecole Normale Supérieure Sciences constitue le point de départ d'un processus de requalification d'un vieux quartier industriel, d'une agglomération qui se découvre des ambitions de “ métropole technopolitaine ”. Inversement, à la fin de ces mêmes années, la volonté d'affirmer le statut de “ ville internationale ” de Lyon se traduit par la mise en place de la “ Cité Internationale ” bâtie en lieu et place de l'ancien Palais de la Foire. Ces deux opérations offrent l'occasion de s'interroger sur le rôle des grands projets dans les processus de requalification urbaine, la manière dont ils mobilisent de façons différenciées des acteurs aussi bien publics que privés, leur capacité à renouveler l'image des espaces qu'ils concernent et enfin à porter un projet urbain pour une agglomération.</text>
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