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  Il y a encore un usage sexué de l'automobile, bien qu'en voie d'atténuation. 
Hommes et femmes n'ont pas les mêmes comportements au volant, ni la même 
pratique de la conduite. Les femmes par exemple conduisent toujours plus en ville. 
Cet usage sexué s'est évidemment historiquement constitué, des origines de 
l'automobile à nos jours. Très marginale avant 1914, en augmentation nette 
entre les deux guerres dans les classes dominantes et urbaines, la pratique 
féminine de la conduite connaît une véritable démocratisation à partir des 
années 50. Les femmes ont néanmoins été longtemps victimes d'une idéologie 
qui les cantonnait dans un rôle secondaire au volant, ne leur tolérant l'usage que 
de petites voitures, et comme seul territoire la ville.
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                <text>Ces dernières années, la gouvernance a fait l’objet d’une attention croissante de la part des chercheurs chinois. Après l’» autoritarisme », la « société urbaine », la « gouvernance » est le nouveau cadre théorique de bien des travaux universitaires. En dépit d’un changement de terminologie, les problèmes demeurent identiques : le débat porte sur les modalités des relations entre l’Etat et la société dans un pays en cours de développement comme la Chine. Nous considérons que le terme de gouvernance permet une nouvelle compréhension du fonctionnement des services publics chinois. Pour y parvenir, il ne faut pas s’en tenir à une connaissance normative, mais combiner enquête de terrain et théorie. Aussi cet article prend-il comme point d’appui le cas de la médiation au sein des communautés urbaines de Shanghai. Nos recherches dans ce domaine n’en sont qu’à leur début, et la conclusion préliminaire devra être considérée comme hypothèse en quête de confirmation. </text>
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Au moment où Rome devient la capitale du Royaume d'Italie s'ouvre une longue 
période de rivalité entre services techniques de l'Etat et services municipaux pour 
le contrôle des grands chantiers de modernisation technique de la ville. Ces 
conflits ont aussi un aspect politique, autour de la place des catholiques dans la 
nation. Il s'agit dans cet article d'examiner ces épisodes à la lumière d'une histoire 
de la décision, au travers du cas de plusieurs chantiers: la canalisation du cours 
urbain du Tibre et la modernisation et l'extension du réseau d'égouts. Il est 
possible de la sorte de lire l'évolution de l'emprise spatiale des différentes institutions, et de tenter de relativiser certaines conclusions quant au devenir de la 
nouvelle capitale issues de recherches fondées sur une histoire plus directement 
politique ou liée à l'examen de la dimension symbolique et monumentale des 
rivalités institutionnelles.
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                <text>Histoire urbaine, n 9, 1, 2004-03-01, pp.97-109</text>
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                <text>Moderniser la ville éternelle </text>
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                <text>Singapour a connu, au cours des deux dernières décennies, d'importantes mutations de son économie, de sa population, et de son identité même en tant que ville-Etat. Face aux tendances nouvelles de la globalisation, et pour conforter son statut de pays le plus développé d'Asie du SudEst, le gouvernement singapourien a en effet décidé dans les années 1990 de mettre l'accent sur les industries de pointe et sur les services, et de faire de l'urbanité paysagée une vitrine de la compétitivité économique de la ville-Etat et le symbole de la qualité de la vie urbaine qui y a été inventée. Durant cette transition, qui est loin d'être achevée tant la ville est immergée dans un processus profond de transformation permanente1 , le paradigme d'une ville verte a été fréquemment mis en avant, et illustré par des réalisations et projets innovants qui ont placé dans divers domaines la ville au centre de l'attention régionale. Singapour s'est ainsi affirmée sur la scène internationale comme le lieu de conception et d'expérimentation de modalités plus soutenables d'être à la ville. Pourtant, entre des programmes phares aux déterminations autant idéologiques et de marketing urbain que de politique environnementale, et données énergétiques durablement fossilisées dans la posture du non-renouvelable, les ambiguïtés demeurent nombreuses. L'objet de la présente contribution est ainsi de tenter d'analyser ce qui a été fait à Singapour au cours des dernières années à l'aune d'un regard critique sur les pistes de durabilité expérimentées dans la ville-Etat.</text>
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                <text>Petits déjeuners de la chaire ville de l'Ecole des Ponts. Série Green Cities</text>
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                <text>Singapour ville durable ? Innovations et limites d'une politique environnementale et urbaine</text>
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                <text>invited conference talk</text>
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                <text>Informationen zur modernen Stadtgeschichte (IMS Hefte)</text>
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                <text>"Emptiness is an essential building element": a dialogue with Dominique Perrault</text>
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                <text>A Berlin, entre le milieu des années 1970 et le milieu des années 2000, s'est joué en partie, non seulement le destin géostratégique du continent européen, entre Guerre froide et réunification allemande, mais aussi un des plus grands tournants dans l'urbanisme continental depuis la fin de la Seconde Guerre mondiale: celui de l'invention des méthodes concrètes d'un urbanisme 'doux', dans le sillage de la remise en question au cours des années 1960 par des personnages comme, entre autres, Jane Jacobs ou Aldo Rossi, des paradigmes dominants du modernisme architectural et planificateur. Ces paradigmes avaient trouvé à Berlin, à la faveur des impératifs de la reconstruction, un terrain d'application sans doute inédit en Europe. Mais c'est aussi à Berlin que se développe la contestation de l'effacement de la trame historique de la ville bombardée au profit d'une ville moderne hors-sol, l'opposition à la toute puissance du dogme de la modernité infrastructurelle, et surtout la mise au point de techniques alternatives de rénovation urbaine plus respectueuses à la fois de la dimension d'urbanité de la vie des habitants, de l'esthétique historique et de la morphologie urbaine qui s'y rattache. C'est également à Berlin que le dessin à grande échelle d'une ville répondant à ce dessein en radical contraste avec toutes les pratiques et théories qui avaient dominé la scène internationale depuis la Charte d'Athènes et l'Après-guerre connaît les développements les plus marquants, dans un cadre idéologique paradoxalement tout aussi rigide que mouvant3. Hans Stimmann, présent à Berlin presque sans interruption depuis les années 1970, avant de devenir directeur des services d'urbanisme de la ville entre le début des années 1990 et le milieu des années 2000, a été de tous ces combats et en incarne sous bien des aspects l'esprit, aux côtés par exemple d'un architecte comme Joseh Paul Kleihues. De la contestation des excès traumatiques du modernisme architectural à la mise en place de méthodes alternatives, puis à la validation et à l'extension institutionnelles de ces méthodes, le parcours de Stimmann a été, au sein d'une génération incarnant collectivement toutes ces phases, d'un intérêt tout particulier. L'objet de la présente réflexion, qui s'inscrit dans le cadre d'une étude sur l'évolution des bureaucraties techniques urbaines et des contextes institutionnels ou culturels, des idéologies, représentations et pratiques, qui en gouvernent le fonctionnement, est au travers de la carrière d'un tel personnage, de tenter de mettre à jour les logiques principales qui ont présidé à la transformation non seulement de l'espace construit berlinois, mais aussi des approches européennes à l'urbanisme en général.</text>
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                <text>La reconstruction de la ville de Dresde, détruite sous les bombes alliées en février 1945, constitue pour la compréhension du rapport entre idéologies urbaines, pratiques d'accommodation de celles-ci et esprit civique citadin, un cas particulièrement intéressant : chaque phase de la reconstruction est en effet le reflet et le produit d'une part d'un rapport spécifique entre idées de la ville et de son patrimoine architectural et culturel, idéologies et pratiques du pouvoir en matière de décision urbaine, et d'autre part accommodements de ce rapport avec la réalité sociale, économique, politique et civique. Le cas de Dresde permet également de mettre à jour certaines déclinaisons importantes des grands tournants de l'urbanisme européen, dans le contexte particulier d'une presque page blanche pourtant chargée fortement de symboles, images ainsi qu'investissements affectifs.</text>
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                <text>(...) La coscienza moderna dell'esistenza di un patrimonio industriale da preservare è nata nella Gran Bretagna degli anni 1950. Si parla per primo di archeologia industriale, come Michael Rix, insegnante all'università di Birmingham, nel 1955, in occasione di vari convegni, corsi e pubblicazioni. Nel 1959 viene organizzato il primo convegno di archeologia industriale in Gran Bretagna. Si trattta di salvare le testimonianze architettoniche della prima rivoluzione industriale e ben presto una prima generazione di studiosi elabora strumenti analitici a proposito. K. Hudson è di questi, che tenta una tra le prime sintesi su quel che si chiama ancora archeologia industriale . Con i primi libri di Buchanan, nel decennio successivo, si entra in una fase di elaborazione in Gran Bretagna di un vero e proprio corpus di monumenti industriali . Il lavoro degli archeologi dell'industria ha nei primi anni un'aspetto conservativo: salvare le tracce del passato prima della loro programmata scomparsa. Di cui l'importanza dei censimenti. Con il lavoro di Q. Hugues, si compie inoltre in questo primo decennio la fusione concettuale tra studi sull'archeologia industriale e quella portuale . La Gran Bretagna, inclusa la Scozia di J. Butt, si afferma come terreno privilegiato d'applicazione di una nuova visione del passato industriale . Se da una parte questa posizione può sembrare logica, vista l'importanza del paese nella storia economica del continente, si deve anche notare lo sforzo precoce di tutta una generazione di studiosi e attori del settore verso la conservazione del patrimonio, in un periodo in cui la crisi di riconversione che si prepara ad attraversare l'industria europea, anche se ne se sentono i primi effetti, non puo' ancora di certo essere considerata l'unico motore di una mutata coscienza dell'eredità archittetonica del passato (...)</text>
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                <text>This article focuses on the water distribution network in Paris, from the 1830s, when most Parisians got their water from public fountains, and private wells, to the 1930s, by which time almost all of the capital's inhabitants had been connected to the same network and enjoyed a standard service. It contributes, by a detailed analysis of the entire chain of mediators and mediation, to specify how the modern infrastructure ideal actually took form. In that aim, we analyze the manner in which each actor (public as well as private), in accordance with his/her constraints and resources, which depend on his/her position in the social space, was able to conceive of his/her environment, define objectives, confront problems, make choices and deploy a whole range of frequently innovative practices. Spatially analyzing the extension of the water network, this article demonstrates that the process of universalization, far from being the inexorable and linear outcome of the action of a small number of “major historical forces”, was the upshot of the actions of a whole range of actors acting in specific different geographical, social, economic and technical contexts. The achievement of the “modern infrastructural ideal” as a macro-social phenomenon was ultimately down to to a long accumulation process of a multitude of actions, interactions, conflicts and learning processes.</text>
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                <text>From free good to commodity: universalizing the provision of water in Paris (1830-1940)</text>
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                <text>Au moment où s'ouvre, pour l'Unesco et l'Icomos, une phase de révision des catégories en vigueur et de mise à jour des concepts présidant à la typologie et aux critères de classement, le cas de Dresde, dont l'éphémère passage dans la liste des sites du patrimoine mondial est à plus d'un titre révélateur, peut être utilisé comme support à une réflexion dépassant les simples épisodes de la confrontation entre projets locaux et tutelle internationale, touchant à la nature même des procédures et des catégories de classement.</text>
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                <text>Paysages urbains historiques: Synthèse des journées techniques</text>
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                <text>Paysages urbains historiques</text>
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                <text>Dresde et l'Unesco: questions sur les catégories de classement et la gouvernance des sites classés au patrimoine mondial</text>
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                <text>Les rapports de Paris à sa banlieue, et vice versa, sont l'objet, depuis environ 150 ans, de profonds et récurrents débats, qui touchent non seulement à la nature du schéma institutionnel français, hérité en partie de la période de la Révolution, puis modifié lors des phases successives de la construction de l'appareil bureaucratique et institutionnel, mais également, d'une manière plus profonde, à la nature de la démocratie locale et au rôle de l'Etat dans sa ville capitale. Les débats actuels, stimulés par la volonté du Président Sarkozy de relancer la réflexion sur l'hypothèse d'un Grand Paris, et en général par le constat de plus en plus largement partagé de la nécessité d'une réforme, sont également liés aux vastes enjeux politiques induits à la fois par le souci de la municipalité parisienne d'incarner le cœur de la région capitale (avec en contrepoint celui de la banlieue et de la région d'au contraire corriger une situation jugée insatisfaisante), et par la perspective d'une nouvelle donne politique autour du déclin de l'assise politique communiste en banlieue et en général de la redistribution des équilibres politiques et institutionnels entre Paris, les communes et départements de la banlieue, dans leur extrême diversité, et la région Ile de France. Facteurs historiques, inerties institutionnelles et perspectives de nouveaux équilibres se mêlent donc dans l'ouverture depuis 2007 d'une nouvelle saison d'intenses débats. Si les solutions proposées sont diverses, non seulement entre elles et dans leur esprit, mais aussi par les domaines de réflexion auxquelles elles se confrontent, il existe une grande convergence dans le diagnostique: Paris et ses banlieues constituent une métropole fragmentée, et le schéma institutionnel devant présider à sa gouvernance n'est pas en mesure de lui permettre d'affronter les complexes enjeux du XXIe siècle, qu'ils soient externes et liés à la nouvelle donne européenne et mondiale de la compétition entre métropoles de premier rang, ou internes et liés aux puissantes lignes de fracture sociale et spatiale qui marquent le paysage métropolitain. Dans le contexte de ces débats relancés, après plusieurs décennies sinon de silence, du moins d'acceptation résolue d'un statu quo confortable, on a assisté depuis 2007 à une floraison spectaculaire à la fois d'initiatives institutionnelles ou para-institutionnelles visant soit stimuler la réflexion soit à faire l'apologie de telle ou telle solution, et d'initiatives scientifiques (parfois liées au contexte d'effervescence institutionnelle ). Colloques, publications, tribunes, programmes et propositions se sont succédés, de même que commissions diverses et enfin consultation internationale d'architecture et d'urbanisme. Que de ce panorama naisse une solution consensuelle n'a rien d'évident. Mais au moins la ferveur entourant le Grand Paris est l'occasion de faire le point sur ce qui constitue assurément un des nœuds gordiens de l'histoire institutionnelle et politique française. C'est également l'occasion de voir les forces en présence exposer arguments de plus ou moins bonne foi en faveur soit du statu quo soit de la réforme. Entre attachement désuet à des formes institutionnelles inadaptées et fausse naïveté dans l'exposé du désir d'améliorer les choses, les stratégies sont parfois cachées sous les discours les plus divers, mais n'en recouvrent pas moins des enjeux cruciaux dans l'ordre politico-institutionnel de la région capitale. La question est de savoir si de cette situation pourra émerger une solution susceptible d'améliorer la vie quotidienne des habitants de la métropole et d'assurer une gestion plus rationnelle et plus juste des questions sociales, spatiales, politiques et symboliques. C'est d'ores et déjà un des enjeux du mandat du Président Sarkozy, qui semble bien avoir fait du Grand Paris son chantier présidentiel.</text>
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                <text>La carriera di Hans Stimmann, urbanista, che ha diretto per molti anni il servizio berlinese di pianificazione urbana.&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;(...) Per Stimmann, e questo rientra nelle direttive del suo partito, è occasione di avviare contatti con i colleghi di oltre muro. Dal 1980 al 1985, l'allora ricercatore conduce quindi un'importante progetto di studio sulle prime esperienze di riqualificazione urbana (“ricostruzione”) a Berlino Est. Ma questo programma di ricerca è anche il pretesto d'incontri sia formali (a livello di scambi tra il partito comunista della Germania democratica (SED) e l'SPD) che informali con l'ambiente urbanistico di Berlino Est. Stimmann lavora in particolare in contatto con Roland Korn, uno dei massimi responsabili della svolta urbanistica in atto oltre muro. Visita a più riprese i cantieri delle prime sei zone d'intervento di riqualificazione a Mitte, Prenzlauer Berg, Friedrichshain e lungo la Frankfurter Allee.&lt;br /&gt;Ma questo metodo non piace. Ne ad Est, dove la costruzione teorica di una nuova politica urbana non deve portare a negare i principi stessi di Berlino Est capitale auto-referenziata della Repubblica Democratica, che si sviluppa su se stessa senza pensare l'Ovest, ne ad Ovest, dove Stimmann non perviene a convincere gli ambienti organizzativi dell'IBA dell'importanza dell'attuazione di una riflessione urbana che possa accludere Berlino Est. L'IBA di Kleihues resterà orientata su una prospettiva più strettamente occidentale e non risponderà alle speranze di Stimmann o di Hämer di vedere inseriti nelle riflessioni sulla città da ricostruire con nuovi principi urbanistici, come la partecipazione o la ricostruzione critica, gli insegnamenti della sua ricerca sull'Est, e neanche le prospettive politiche e urbane che ne derivano (...)&lt;br /&gt;A portrait of Hans Stimmann, who has been for many years the head of the town planning bureau in the local berlin administration.&lt;br /&gt;Un portrait d'Hans Stimmann, urbaniste en chef de l'administration du Sénat de Berlin des années 1990 à la fin de l'année 2006.&lt;br /&gt;Berlin; Germany; town planning; planification urbaine; urbanisme; Allemagne; DDR; RDA; IBA; 1987; 1990; renouvellement urbain; Stadtplannung; Stadterneuerung; Berlin wall; mur de Berlin; Potsdamer Platz; Reichtag; Regierungsviertel; Plattenbau; Mitte; Prenzlauerberg; friche urbaine; requalification; régénération; urban regeneration; Roland Korn; Internationale Bauausstellung, rénovation urbaine; politique de la ville; politique sociale; quartier; habitat social; banlieue; cité; SPD; parti communiste; socialiste; municipal; Land Berlin; Etat fédéral</text>
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                <text>http://halshs.archives-ouvertes.fr/halshs-00128729</text>
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                <text>http://halshs.archives-ouvertes.fr/docs/00/12/87/29/PDF/Stimmann.pdf</text>
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                <text>[SHS:HIST] Humanities and Social Sciences/History</text>
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                <text>Hans Stimmann</text>
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                <text>urbanisme</text>
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                <text>Planwerk Innenstadt</text>
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                <text>Hans Stimmann: 15 anni di urbanistica a Berlino</text>
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