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                <text>Au moment même ' les années 1980 ' où la sociologie française  découvrait « l'école de Chicago », une partie de l'historiographie  nord-américaine et européenne prenait un tour révisionniste qui tendait à  mettre en cause la pertinence de cet étiquetage et la consistance même de  l'objet. Deux ouvrages récents illustrent avec force ce point de vue. Andrew  Abbott (Department and Discipline : Chicago  Sociology at One Hundred, 1999) montre que la première école de  Chicago est une création culturelle de la seconde. Jean-Michel Chapoulie  (La tradition sociologique de Chicago,  1892-1961, 2001) donne le premier travail historique d'ensemble  écrit en français sur le sujet et démonte méthodiquement les mythes sédimentés  sur celui-ci. Ces deux enquêtes exemplaires d'histoire des sciences sociales  ont su se tenir rigoureusement à distance du présentisme ordinaire des  hagiographes comme des contempteurs de ladite école en appliquant à leur objet  une méthode interactionniste conséquente.</text>
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In 1978, Ed Koch assumed control of a city plagued by filth, crime, bankruptcy, and racial tensions. By the end of his mayoral run in 1989 and despite the Wall Street crash of 1987, his administration had begun rebuilding neighborhoods and infrastructure. Unlike many American cities, Koch's New York was growing, not shrinking. Gentrification brought new businesses to neglected corners and converted low-end rental housing to coops and condos. Nevertheless, not all the changes were positive&amp;mdash;AIDS, crime, homelessness, and violent racial conflict increased, marking a time of great, if somewhat uneven, transition.&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
For better or worse, Koch's efforts convinced many New Yorkers to embrace a new political order subsidizing business, particularly finance, insurance, and real estate, and privatizing public space. Each phase of the city's recovery required a difficult choice between moneyed interests and social services, forcing Koch to be both a moderate and a pragmatist as he tried to mitigate growing economic inequality. Throughout, Koch's rough rhetoric (attacking his opponents as &amp;quot;crazy,&amp;quot; &amp;quot;wackos,&amp;quot; and &amp;quot;radicals&amp;quot;) prompted charges of being racially divisive. The first book to recast Koch's legacy through personal and mayoral papers, authorized interviews, and oral histories, this volume plots a history of New York City through two rarely studied yet crucial decades: the bankruptcy of the 1970s and the recovery and crash of the 1980s.&lt;/div&gt;
&amp;nbsp;&lt;/div&gt;
&lt;b&gt;Jonathan Soffer&lt;/b&gt; is associate professor of history at New York University's Polytechnic Institute, specializing in twentieth-century American urban and political history.&lt;/div&gt;
&amp;nbsp;&lt;/div&gt;
&amp;nbsp;&lt;/div&gt;
&amp;nbsp;&lt;/div&gt;
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Dean Ellen Schall of NYU&amp;rsquo;s Robert F. Wagner School of Public Service and Provost Dianne Rekow of NYU&amp;rsquo;s Polytechnic Institute invite you a book party for author Jonathan Soffer discussing his new book, Ed Koch and the Rebuilding of New York City . Featuring special guest Former Mayor Ed Koch. In 1978, Ed Koch assumed control of a city plagued by filth, crime, bankruptcy and racial tensions. By the end of his mayoral run in 1989, and despite the Wall Street crash of 1987, his administration had begun rebuilding neighborhoods and infrastructure. For better or worse, Koch's efforts convinced many New Yorkers to embrace a new political order subsidizing business, particularly finance, insurance and real estate and privatizing public space. Ed Koch and the Rebuilding of New York City recasts Koch's legacy through personal and mayoral papers, authorized interviews and oral histories, and plots a history of New York City through two rarely studied, yet crucial decades: the bankruptcy of the 1970s and the recovery and crash of the 1980s.&lt;/div&gt;
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  De nombreuses recherches l'ont mis en évidence : les fontaines édifiées au Moyen 
Â ge par les autorités urbaines ont une fonction qui dépasse largement leur rôle 
utilitaire. Pour les Pays-Bas méridionaux, terre urbaine par excellence, il existe 
cependant peu d'études sur le contexte de leur édification, sur l'investissement 
qu'elles ont généré ou sur la signification des lieux qui les ont accueillies. On en a 
conclu, trop hâtivement, que les fontaines des Pays-Bas étaient des réalisations 
mineures. Or, bien des indices montrent, au contraire, que ces monuments pouvaient être imposants et chargés de significations identitaires et qu'en outre, ils ont 
pu faire partie des politiques déployées par les autorités à la conquête d'un espace 
« public ».
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D&amp;eacute;cembre 2010

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SFHU

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Guillaume Carr&amp;eacute; - D'une histoire en marge &amp;agrave; l'histoire des marges Les &amp;eacute;tudes urbaines sur la p&amp;eacute;riode pr&amp;eacute;moderne (XVIe-XIXe si&amp;egrave;cles) au Japon&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
Iwabuchi Reiji - Un guerrier dans la ville Obligations de service et sorties d'un samoura&amp;iuml; en poste &amp;agrave; Edo au XIXe si&amp;egrave;cle&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
Yokoyama Yuriko - Coiffeurs et coiffeuses d'Edo et de Tokyo&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
Yoshida Nobuyuki - Edo au fil de l'eau&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
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&lt;br /&gt;
Pascal Butterlin - D'Uruk &amp;agrave; Mari. Recherches r&amp;eacute;centes sur la premi&amp;egrave;re r&amp;eacute;volution urbaine en M&amp;eacute;sopotamie&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
Jean-Yves Carrez-Maratray - De l'arch&amp;eacute;ologie &amp;agrave; l'histoire sociale Recherches r&amp;eacute;centes sur les villes de la ch&amp;ocirc;ra &amp;eacute;gyptienne (Basse &amp;eacute;poque pharaonique &amp;ndash; p&amp;eacute;riode gr&amp;eacute;co-romaine)&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
Jean-Pierre Guilhembet - De la topographie urbaine &amp;agrave; la m&amp;eacute;tropole &amp;eacute;tendue Tendances r&amp;eacute;centes de la recherche sur la Rome antique&lt;/div&gt;
&amp;nbsp;&lt;/div&gt;
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