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                <text>Neveu, Catherine</text>
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                <text>Opponents to development projects are very often described as “Nimbys”, defending specific interests, and refusing to subsume them to the general interest of society. The aim of this paper is to try and understand, through the analysis of a mobilization against an industrial plant North of France, how alternative modalities of defining the general interest have been formulated. While the very notion of Nimby tends to produce a dichotomy between the rights of citizens (the general interest) and those of inhabitants (specific interests), it will be argued that in the case discussed here, it is precisely because they defined themselves as citizens that local residents refused the planned site. An interesting pattern of relationships to the mining past of the area can then be reconstructed, which allows a mobilization which at first sight seemed to pertain to an ordinary corporatist defense, to be analyzed as expressing a strong will to act and be seen as citizens.</text>
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                <text>Focaal- European Journal of Anthropology</text>
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                <text>[SHS:ANTHRO_SE] Humanities and Social Sciences/Social Anthropology and ethnology</text>
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                <text>citoyens</text>
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                <text>Nimbys as citizens: (re)defining the general interest</text>
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                <text>histoire urbaine, urbanisation, croissance urbaine, banlieue, centre-ville, société urbaine, ségrégation sociale, ségrégation urbaine, nineteenth century, dix-neuvième siècle</text>
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                <text>Extract from the lecture transcript :&#13;
&#13;
Today, I want to do the impossible and talk about urbanization and urban growth in fifty minutes. I'll give the classic example, which is the greatest project of human intervention or rebuilding, that is the rebuilding of Paris. In doing so, I want to emphasize a couple points. One is that the nineteenth century was a period of phenomenal urban growth and urbanization. I will distinguish those in a minute. Secondly, one of the things that emerges out of this urban growth and urbanization, but particularly the growth of cities large and medium in the nineteenth century, is an increasing geography of class segregation.   Also, one of the things that I really enjoy talking about in trying to help people understand is why it is that European suburbs are not at all like American suburbs. Why is it that some people feared by elites were perched on the edge of European cities, whether it's Vienna, Paris, or lots of other places, and not in the center; whereas, in the United States, if you think of the riots in 1967, before most of your times, in Detroit, or Newark, or Watts, or East L.A., it was people in the center with the wealthy people in the periphery fearing the poor people living in the center. Why is it just completely different?   &#13;
&#13;
John Merriman is Charles Seymour Professor of History at Yale University.</text>
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                <text>Open Yale Courses</text>
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                <text>00:51:28</text>
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                <text>http://oyc.yale.edu/history/hist-202/lecture-12</text>
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                <text>Gubry, Patrick</text>
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                <text>Lê Hô Phong, Linh</text>
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                <text>Dans le processus de métropolisation en cours dans les grandes agglomérations vietnamiennes, on assiste à un glissement de la population du centre vers la périphérie et à une « gentrification » du centre-ville. Si le cadre de vie s'en trouve généralement amélioré pour ces migrants intra-urbains, les distances à parcourir (par exemple domicile-travail ou domicile-école) augmentent considérablement. Le manque d'infrastructures se fait aussi cruellement sentir dans les zones périphériques nouvellement loties. Le rôle du niveau de vie, mesuré par un « indice de richesse », est mis en lumière. Contrairement à l'attente initiale, ce sont plutôt les « riches » qui ont les trajets les plus longs à parcourir, ce qui leur est permis par les meilleurs moyens de transport dont ils disposent. La lutte contre les inégalités en ville repose immanquablement la question du développement des transports urbains collectifs.</text>
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                <text>Revue Tiers Monde</text>
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                <text>[SHS:DEMO] Humanities and Social Sciences/Demography</text>
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                <text>Migration intra-urbaine</text>
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                <text>Niveau de vie et déplacements dans les métropoles vietnamiennes : Hô Chi Minh ville et Hanoi</text>
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                <text>101-115</text>
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                <text>S. Gauvin</text>
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                <text>R. Bourbeau</text>
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                <text>The Level and Impact of Road Accident Fatalities in North America, 1960-1982 
Road traffic accidents are an important public health problem in North America. From 1960 to 1982, these accidents were responsible for an average of 55,000 deaths per year. An analysis of trends in road accident fatality rates during the period 1960-1982 reveals two main phases: an almost continuous increase in rates during the decade 1960-1970, and a general decreasing trend during the seventies punctuated however by several variations related mainly to socioeconomic factors but also to the implementation of specific road safety measures. Road traffic fatalities have a nonnegligible impact on the whole of society, mainly because of the age distribution of victims: young people of 15-24 years old are greatly over-represented in road deaths. It fatalities also have an indirect effect on the birth rate as a high proportion of deaths involve men and women at the age of procreation; for Canada, it can be estimated using data from the mid-seventies, that 1200 births are lost annually through road traffic deaths. Finally, we present certain estimates of the economic cost to society of fatal road accidents in Canada and the U.S. in 1980. In the light of these observations, we underline the importance of implementing both active and passive road safety programs which can reduce the road accident burden to society.</text>
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                <text>Les accidents de la route représentent un problème de santé publique fort important en Amérique du Nord. De 1960 à 1982, ces accidents sont responsables d'une moyenne d'environ 55.000 décès par année. L'analyse de l'évolution des taux de mortalité par accident de la route durant la période de 1960-1982 permet de distinguer deux grandes phases : une augmentation presque continue des taux durant la décennie 1960-1970 et une tendance générale à la baisse durant les années soixante-dix marquée cependant par plusieurs variations liées surtout aux facteurs socio-économiques mais aussi en partie à la mise en place de mesures spécifiques de sécurité routière. La mortalité par accident de la route a un impact non négligeable sur l'ensemble de la société, à cause de sa structure par âge particulière : les jeunes de 15-24 ans sont largement surreprésentés parmi les décédés de la route. Elle a aussi un effet indirect sur la natalité puisqu'une forte proportion des décès concernent des hommes et des femmes qui sont en âge de procréer. Enfin, nous présentons certaines estimations du coût économique des accidents mortels de la route survenus en 1980 au Canada et aux États-Unis. Devant un tel constat, nous rappelons l'importance de la mise en place de mesures de sécurité routière actives et passives qui sont les plus susceptibles de réduire le fardeau des accidents de la route.</text>
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                <text>Road traffic fatalities ; Mortality ; Social and economic cost ; North America.</text>
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                <text>Niveau et impact de la mortalité par accident de la route en Amérique du Nord, 1960-1982</text>
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            <description>The topic of the resource</description>
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                <text>VILLE</text>
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                <text>GEOMORPHOLOGIE</text>
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                <text>CATASTROPHE NATURELLE</text>
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                <text>INONDATION</text>
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                <text>GLISSEMENT DE TERRAIN</text>
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                <text>CRUE</text>
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                <text>BOUE</text>
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                <text>CRUE BOUEUSE</text>
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                <text>GESTION DU RISQUE</text>
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                <text>Accidentes climaticos y gestion de las quebradas de Quito : analisis del "aluvion" de la Raya del 23 de enero de 1986</text>
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                <text>No special dedicado al coloquio "Ecuador 1986" : 250° aniversario de la primera mision geodesica</text>
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                <text>France</text>
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                <text>Bove, Boris</text>
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                <text>La permanence de la présence de nobles dans Paris masque une diversité et un renouvellement profond de cette catégorie de la population. Tous les étages de la noblesse sont représentés à Paris, mais force est de noter que l'on a bien du mal à apercevoir les chevaliers du castrum de Paris aux XIe-XIIe siècles. Au regard d'une documentation clairsemée on en est réduit à déduire leur existence de celle de chevaliers de pays liés à la ville à cette époque-là. Cette chevalerie indigène s'éloigne progressivement de la ville au XIIIe siècle pour disparaître au XIVe siècle. L'originalité de Paris, c'est aussi la présence dès le XIIe siècle d'une noblesse de service possessionnée en ville, dont le poids ne cessera de se renforcer aux XIIIe et XIVe siècles avec le développement de l'État. Elle est rattrapée à cette époque par la grande noblesse aulique attirée par la restauration de l'autorité du roi. Cependant, cette noblesse de service a, dans la majorité des cas, un rapport distancié à la ville, qu'elle considère comme un cadre de vie temporaire. Le provisoire peut durer des dizaines d'années dans le cas de certains officiers de l'administration centrale, il demeure que le point de fuite de leur vie n'est pas Paris. Faut-il en conclure qu'il n'y a pas de noblesse authentiquement parisienne ? Non, car une fraction non négligeable de cette noblesse d'État s'intègre à la société parisienne. Sous réserve de la découverte d'une antique chevalerie urbaine, on peut donc considérer que le développement de l'État a eu pour effet de susciter la naissance à la fin du Moyen Âge d'une noblesse authentiquement urbaine. Cette noblesse est cependant bien différente des précédentes : elle est récente, elle résulte du basculement d'une fraction du patriciat urbain dans la noblesse et ses membres se recrutent autant dans la grande bourgeoisie de Paris que dans les élites citadines non-nobles de province. Sa culture est de ce fait beaucoup moins homogène que celle de la noblesse traditionnelle, fondée sur les armes : cette nouvelle noblesse doit sa promotion à ses compétences financières ou intellectuelles, qu'elle n'abandonne pas tout de suite. La ville est donc le terreau où prospère une nouvelle noblesse d'État qui partage avec la noblesse traditionnelle une culture curiale, sans toujours tourner le dos à son ancienne culture au début du XVe siècle.</text>
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                <text>http://halshs.archives-ouvertes.fr/halshs-00640432</text>
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                <text>Les nobles et la ville dans l'espace francophone (XIIe-XVIe siècles)</text>
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                <text>Les nobles et la ville dans l'espace francophone (XIIe-XVIe siècles)</text>
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            <description>The topic of the resource</description>
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                <text>[SHS:HIST] Humanities and Social Sciences/History</text>
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                <text>Paris</text>
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                <text>Moyen Age</text>
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                <text>noblesse</text>
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                <text>bourgeoisie</text>
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                <text>anoblissement</text>
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                <text>Noblesse indigène, noblesse d'Etat et bourgeoisie anoblie : les mutations de l'aristocratie parisienne, XIIe-XVe siècle</text>
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          <element elementId="39">
            <name>Creator</name>
            <description>An entity primarily responsible for making the resource</description>
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              <elementText elementTextId="493926">
                <text>Angiolini, Franco</text>
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                <text>2009</text>
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            <description>An account of the resource</description>
            <elementTextContainer>
              <elementText elementTextId="493929">
                <text>Le développement de l'Etat toscan ne conduit pas à attirer les élites nobiliaires dans la capitale de façon massive; celles-ci, si elles se rendent parfois à la cour grand-ducale, s'attachent d'abord à conserver leur emprise sur leurs espaces propres de pouvoir. L'émergence toutefois de dynamismes urbains nouveaux (Prato, Livourne) modifie progressivement la donne, alors que l'existence d'un ordre chevaleresque grand-ducale renforce les convergences entres les diverses noblesses urbaines.</text>
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              <elementText elementTextId="493930">
                <text>http://halshs.archives-ouvertes.fr/halshs-00644990</text>
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                <text>http://halshs.archives-ouvertes.fr/docs/00/64/49/90/PDF/Angiolini-Boutier-51-75.pdf</text>
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              <elementText elementTextId="493932">
                <text>FRE</text>
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                <text>Le nobiltà delle città capitali</text>
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          </element>
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                <text>[SHS:HIST] Humanities and Social Sciences/History</text>
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                <text>noblesses urbaines</text>
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                <text>villes capitales</text>
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                <text>état régional</text>
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                <text>Noblesses de capitales, noblesses périphériques. Les dynamiques des élites urbaines dans le grand-duché de Toscane, XVIe-XVIIIe siècles</text>
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                <text>scientific book chapter</text>
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Princeton University Press 

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                <text>&lt;div&gt;&lt;b&gt;Abstract from the publisher : &lt;/b&gt;&lt;/div&gt;
&amp;nbsp;&lt;/div&gt;
Dystopic imagery has figured prominently in modern depictions of the urban landscape. The city is often portrayed as a terrifying world of darkness, crisis, and catastrophe. Noir Urbanisms traces the history of the modern city through its critical representations in art, cinema, print journalism, literature, sociology, and architecture. It focuses on visual forms of dystopic representation--because the history of the modern city is inseparable from the production and circulation of images--and examines their strengths and limits as urban criticism.&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
Contributors explore dystopic images of the modern city in Germany, Mexico, Japan, India, South Africa, China, and the United States. Their topics include Weimar representations of urban dystopia in Fritz Lang's 1927 film Metropolis; 1960s modernist architecture in Mexico City; Hollywood film noir of the 1940s and 1950s; the recurring fictional destruction of Tokyo in postwar Japan's sci-fi doom culture; the urban fringe in Bombay cinema; fictional explorations of urban dystopia in postapartheid Johannesburg; and Delhi's out-of-control and media-saturated urbanism in the 1980s and 1990s. What emerges in Noir Urbanisms is the unsettling and disorienting alchemy between dark representations and the modern urban experience.&lt;/div&gt;
&amp;nbsp;&lt;/div&gt;
&lt;b&gt;Contents : &lt;/b&gt;&lt;/div&gt;
&amp;nbsp;&lt;/div&gt;
Introduction : Imaging the Modern City, Darkly - Gyan Prakash&lt;br /&gt;
MODERNISM AND URBAN DYSTOPIA&lt;br /&gt;
The Phantasm of the Apocalypse : Metropolis and Weimar Modernity - Anton Kaes &lt;br /&gt;
Sounds Like Hell : Beyond Dystopian Noise - James Donald&lt;br /&gt;
Tlatelolco : Mexico City's Urban Dystopia - Rub&amp;eacute;n Gallo &lt;br /&gt;
THE AESTHETICS OF THE DARK CITY&lt;br /&gt;
A Regional Geography of Film Noir : Urban Dystopias On- and Offscreen - Mark Shiel &lt;br /&gt;
Oh No, There Goes Tokyo : Recreational Apocalypse and the City in Postwar Japanese Popular Culture - William M. Tsutsui&lt;br /&gt;
Postsocialist Urban Dystopia? - Li Zhang&lt;br /&gt;
Friction, Collision, and the Grotesque : The Dystopic Fragments of Bombay Cinema - Ranjani Mazumdar &lt;br /&gt;
IMAGING URBAN CRISIS&lt;br /&gt;
Topographies of Distress : Tokyo, c. 1930 - David R. Ambaras &lt;br /&gt;
Living in Dystopia : Past, Present, and Future in Contemporary African Cities - Jennifer Robinson &lt;br /&gt;
Imaging Urban Breakdown : Delhi in the 1990s - Ravi Sundaram&lt;/div&gt;
&amp;nbsp;&lt;/div&gt;
&lt;b&gt;Gyan Prakash&lt;/b&gt; is the Dayton-Stockton Professor of History at Princeton University.&lt;/div&gt;
&amp;nbsp;&lt;/div&gt;
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Le présent recueil centré sur la mise en mots de la ségrégation en situation urbanisée tente de rendre compte de la complexité des situations sociolinguistiques. &#13;
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                <text>■ Xavier Huetz de Lemps. Nommer la , ville : les usages et les enjeux du toponyme «Manila» au xixe siècle L'objet de cet article est d'appliquer les pistes de recherche ouvertes par le programme scientifique «les Mots de la ville» à l'étude du toponyme Manila au cours du XIXe siècle. Un corpus composé de sources administratives et fiscales, de récits de voyages, d'œuvres littéraires et des lieux d'édition des ouvrages publiés à Manille permet de décrire les mutations complexes des usages du toponyme et des réalités spatiales qu'il recouvre. Dans un second temps, l'étude montre que ces changements ne reflètent pas simplement les transformations matérielles de l'agglomération et met en valeur les enjeux qui : sous-tendent l'évolution lexicale.</text>
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                <text>Naming the City: the Uses and Stakes Involved in the Place Name «Manila» in the 19th Century The aim of this article is to apply research paths opened up by the scientific programme «city Words» to the study of Manila as a place name during the 19th century. A body of texts composed of administrative and tax sources, travel stories, literary works and the publication sites of books put out in Manila makes it possible to describe the complex changes in the uses of the place : name and the spatial reality to which it referred. This study also shows that the changes reflect more than simply the physical1 transformations of the, agglomeration and reveals the stakes underlying the lexical evolution.</text>
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                <text>Huetz de Lemps Xavier, . Nommer la ville : les usages et les enjeux du toponyme «Manila» au XIXe siècle. In: Genèses, 33, 1998. Les mots de la ville. pp. 28-48.</text>
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H&amp;eacute;l&amp;egrave;ne Rivi&amp;egrave;re d&amp;rsquo;Arc (Dir.)</text>
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&amp;Eacute;ditions de la Maison des sciences de l&amp;rsquo;homme
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                <text>&lt;div&gt;&lt;b&gt;Pr&amp;eacute;sentation par l'&amp;eacute;diteur :&lt;/b&gt;&lt;/div&gt;
&amp;nbsp;&lt;/div&gt;
L'incertitude domine le d&amp;eacute;bat sur les nouveaux territoires urbains, souvent per&amp;ccedil;us par d&amp;eacute;faut : non-ville, a-t-on dit durablement dans des revues savantes. La volatilit&amp;eacute; du vocabulaire qui d&amp;eacute;signe ces espaces est particuli&amp;egrave;rement sensible au cours des p&amp;eacute;riodes d'extension urbaine forte et rapide, comme la fin du XIXe si&amp;egrave;cle ou les cinquante derni&amp;egrave;res ann&amp;eacute;es du XXe si&amp;egrave;cle. Les mots tentent alors leur chance et leur succ&amp;egrave;s d&amp;eacute;pend de leur degr&amp;eacute; d'appropriation sociale. Les mots de la ville s'expriment dans des registres aussi bien universels que tr&amp;egrave;s localis&amp;eacute;s ; leurs r&amp;eacute;f&amp;eacute;rences combinent des &amp;eacute;l&amp;eacute;ments g&amp;eacute;ographiques, &amp;eacute;conomiques et sociaux qui se traduisent par des termes techniques, des appellations populaires ou des toponymes. La richesse des lexiques &amp;eacute;tudi&amp;eacute;s dans cet ouvrage r&amp;eacute;fl&amp;egrave;te la grande vari&amp;eacute;t&amp;eacute; des mod&amp;egrave;les de croissance des villes qui, bien souvent, n'exclut ni la monotonie des paysages ni la violence de la modernit&amp;eacute;.&lt;/div&gt;
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                <text>Deux caractères morphologiques objectifs définissent une diaspora : la multipolarité de la migration et l'interpolarité des relations. À ceux-ci s'ajoute une autre caractéristique : la perception d'exterritorialité, forme particulière de représentation de soi dans l'espace. Elle suppose une prise de conscience de la configuration spatiale de la diaspora et le développement d'une culture, conduisant à optimiser les ressources spatiales. La migration internationale chinoise se voit progressivement comme une diaspora. La position d'exterritorialité, la perception de ce non-lieu, de cette a-topie est une étape indispensable comme intellectualisation du fait morphologique de la diaspora pour établir et améliorer son propre fonctionnement, lui permettant de concevoir cette sorte d'utopie qui consiste à rêver de soi-même dans une vie hors du territoire.</text>
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                  <text>La Revue électronique européenne de géographie Cybergeo est conçue pour permettre une communication plus rapide de la recherche et pour promouvoir une discussion plus directe entre auteurs et lecteurs. Dans le but d'élargir l'échange des idées, des méthodes et des résultats, elle publie dans les principales langues européennes. Elle est ouverte largement sur la géographie, sans parti pris d'école ni de thématique. Elle garantit un bon niveau scientifique des articles en les soumettant à un comité de lecture international. Elle permet aussi la libre expression en s'accompagnant de forums de discussion et de listes de diffusion. Elle offre un accès facile aux articles grâce à un système de rubriques et de recherche par mots-clés. Tant que cela sera possible, elle est d'accès libre et gratuit.</text>
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                <text>Cet article utilise une méthode de classification non paramétrique pour explorer les indicateurs de qualité de la vie d'une ville. Le logiciel RIFFLE, élaboré à la Western Washington University, est employé pour spécifier un algorithme de classification quand un sous-ensemble n de m variables crée un espace vectoriel de dimension n partitionné en deux ou trois sous-groupes dans chaque dimension. En appliquant une variante du Lambda de Guttman, RIFFLE identifie les n variables et c groupes qui reproduisent la configuration des données. La classification non paramétrique permet de dépasser les problèmes que rencontrent les techniques classiques du fait des hypothèses sur les données ou des données manquantes.  Based on the use of a non-metric conceptual clustering technique this empirical study explores thequality of life of a small metropolitan city. The RIFFLE program, developed at Western Washington University, is utilized to explicitly address the clustering algorithm where a subset n of m variables creates an n dimension vector space partitioned into two or more clusters in each dimension. Applying a variation of Guttman's Lambda n variables and c clusters are reported by RIFFLE that predict the pattern. Non-metric conceptual clustering overcomes a number of problems common in traditional techniques such as data assumptions, relevancy and missing data.</text>
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                <text>Norme et transgression dans l'espace public</text>
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                <text>La thèse s'intéresse à la prise en compte de l'individu dans les politiques locales du logement des personnes défavorisées, issues de la loi Besson de 1990. A partir de l'étude de quatre départements, par l'observation de commissions d'attribution des aides, elle approfondit la notion de magistrature sociale, en y intégrant les notions de situation, représentation administrative des demandeurs, de problématiques, catégories publiques de perception des problèmes de l'individu, et de mise en récit mettant en cohérence ces éléments. Ces observations mettent en lumière des tensions entre des normes, informelles, et des règles, formelles, dans l'attribution des aides et la forme du travail des commissions. Elles sont le reflet d'un antagonisme plus profond entre un principe d'individualisation des aides et un principe d'équivalence qui veut que des situations semblables soient traitées de manière semblable. Ces politiques du logement des personnes défavorisées peuvent être vues comme proches des politiques d'insertion, s'insérant dans un même paradigme d'action publique. Elles portent certaines visions de l'individu, un « individualisme institutionnel ». Cette individualisme est marqué par le modèle de l'individu autonome et responsable. Les recherches menées permettent de dégager trois modes de prise en compte des individus défaillants par rapport à ce modèle : les victimes - de contraintes extérieures -, les coupables-responsables - en raison de leurs actes - et les incapables - dont certaines compétences sont altérées. La question de la bonne foi, posée dans le cadre de la prévention des expulsions locatives, vise alors à départager des situations indécises entre les figures de victime et de coupable-responsable.</text>
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