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  Cet article s'intéresse aux déplacements en tant que levier des restructurations territoriales périurbaines et objet stratégique pour l'action publique locale. Dans un contexte d'affirmation politique et de construction de nouvelles centralités, les politiques de déplacements questionnent la capacité d'une puissance publique périphérique émergente à porter un projet de développement à plusieurs échelles : celles de la commune, de l'intercommunalité de secteur et de l'agglomération. Nous considérons que les postures adoptées par les élus vis-à-vis de la gestion des déplacements sont révélatrices : en premier lieu, des stratégies d'affirmation de la polarité communale ; puis des stratégies de coopération intercommunale ; et même de stratégies (encore minoritaires et peu affirmées) à l'échelle de la région urbaine.
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                <text>Au cours des décennies 1920 et 1930, dans un contexte où, en France, est mise en place une politique d'immigration de main-d'œuvre et où des organismes publics prennent en charge le placement, comment, dans une ancienne ville d'immigration comme Marseille, les immigrantes intègrent-elles le marché du travail ? À partir de sources diverses (archives de l'office départemental et municipal de placement, données de la Statistique Générale de la France - SGF-, archives du bureau marseillais du Service Social d'Aide au Émigrants - SSAÉ -, dossiers d'étrangers, récits de vie publiés, etc.), l'article analyse, d'une part, comment les organismes publics de placement envisagent l'immigration des femmes, en particulier dans la région marseillaise, et d'autre part, les chemins empruntés par des migrantes pour s'insérer sur le marché du travail.</text>
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                <text>Centre de recherche Espace, Transport, Environnement et Institutions Locales (CRETEIL), Institut d’Urbanisme de Paris, Université Paris 12, 61, avenue du Général de Gaulle, 94010 Créteil Cedex, gueymard@univ-paris12.fr Partant d’une acception très générale des inégalités environnementales, deux typologies régionales multicritères ont été dressées à l’échelle des 1 300 communes franciliennes. En livrant une première lecture quantitative et statique de telles inégalités, cette contribution développe une réflexion autour des critères et facteurs d’environnement susceptibles d’incarner et d’exprimer au mieux cette relation. Si une correspondance globale entre les caractéristiques environnementales et sociales des territoires est ici mise en évidence, il ressort aussi de nos résultats : des liaisons plus ou moins prononcées selon les facteurs environnementaux renseignés ; et plus particulièrement ici, selon la nature même de ces facteurs, porteurs d’aménités ou de désaménités environnementales. Ces résultats ne sont pas sans interroger la manière d’appréhender scientifiquement et politiquement de telles situations inégalitaires. </text>
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                <text>Based on a very general meaning of environmental inequalities, two multicriteria regional typologies have been built on the scale of the 1300 municipalities of Paris metropolitan region. Bringing a first quantitative and static lecture of such inequalities, this paper develops comments about environmental criteria and factors, which are most appropriate to express this relationship. If a global connection between environmental and social characteristics of territories is highlighted here, results also show links more or less obvious depending on environmental factors and especially on the nature of these factors, whether they bring environmental amenities or desamenities. These results question the way to scientifically and politically apprehend such unequal situations. </text>
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                <text>Île-de-France</text>
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                <text>Inégalités environnementales en région Île-de-France : le rôle structurant des facteurs négatifs de l’environnement et des choix politiques afférents</text>
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                <text>Pendant longtemps marginalisée au sein des critères de choix résidentiels, la qualité de l’environnement s’affirme aujourd’hui dans les sondages d’opinion comme un nouveau facteur d’arbitrage pour les ménages. Dans un contexte de sensibilité croissante des ménages à la qualité de vie et de territorialisation de l’action publique notamment en matière d’environnement, la mesure précise de l’impact des aménités environnementales devient une question cruciale pour les acteurs territoriaux, notamment en milieu urbain. Cet article vise à alimenter la réflexion sur la valorisation des facteurs environnementaux de proximité par l’analyse des préférences résidentielles, des usages, perceptions et représentations que les ménages développent à leur contact en s’appuyant précisément sur un travail de recherche exploratoire dédié à un attribut environnemental spécifique, caractéristique des milieux urbains : les espaces verts.  </text>
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                <text>According to opinions pools, environmental quality appears nowadays as a deciding factor in residential choices wheareas it has been marginalized for a long time. In this background of households growing sensitivity for life quality and changes in public action in particular concerning environment, the precise measurement of environmental amenities is now a crucial issue for local decidors, specially in urban areas. The purpose of this paper is to feed reflection about valorisation of environmental factors of proximity by an analyse of residential preferences, uses, perceptions and representations developped by houselhold to them contact. We will develop this subject, basing ourselves on a exploratory research work focused on a particular environmental factor, which is characteristic of urban areas: green spaces.  </text>
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                <text>Facteurs environnementaux de proximité et choix résidentiels</text>
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                <text>Guézo, Bernard</text>
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                <text>Si l'Ingénieur s'efforce de coordonner sur les territoires les deux facettes de son activité : d'un côté la gestion des fonctions urbaines, de l'autre celle des risques, il hésite à se démarquer de celles-ci comme il le devrait, pour affronter la complexité spatiale. Or notre pratique des espaces urbanisés comme notre engagement dans la prévention des risques montrent que la complexité se manifeste à lui, tant dans la réalisation des projets que dans la survenue des catastrophes. En proposant un outil d'analyse spatiale : le territoire-étagé, en le dotant d'une fonction - le monitorage - nous proposons une voie qui permette à l'ingénierie d'anticiper du plus possible le développement de processus dommageables. En permettant une plus grande compréhension des mécanismes à l'œuvre au sein des espaces métapolitains [Ascher, 1995], l'ingénierie du territoire-étagé offre la possibilité d'agir en retour sur les pratiques de gestion pour espérer réduire, par la résilience, les perturbations ou leurs effets de différentes natures et intensités.</text>
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                <text>2012GRENA041</text>
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                <text>Université de Grenoble</text>
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                <text>[SHS:GEO] Humanities and Social Sciences/Geography</text>
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                <text>Catastrophe</text>
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                <text>Complexité</text>
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                <text>Métropolisation</text>
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                <text>Le territoire-étagé : un outil d'ingénierie pour agir sur la vulnérabilité des espaces métapolitains</text>
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                <text>Guffroy Jean. Cerritos Colorados : un sitio con arquitectura monumental en la Cuencade Sayula, Jalisco. Estudios del Hombre, 1996, p.37-63. </text>
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                <text>«The Politics of a Lost Science: Urban Archeology in Italy: 1880-1920». Bora at the turn of the century, urban archeology is a new kind of knowledge. It consists in using maps and existing buildings to unearth the information required to reconstruct, both in form and character, all or part of a city that has disappeared or is doomed to disappear in the process of modernization. It grew out of a conflict opposing hygie nists and a diverse movement composed of partisans of urban preservation, local scholars, architects and fine arts teachers, out of which were to come the specialists assigned by the government to preserving monuments and historical sites. Next, it underwent two transformations. Beginning in 1910, it became the basis for urban planning of city modernization: preservation was henceforth applied to large urban sectors, although a selective notion of urban identity led in fact to profound changes. Finally, between the wars, urban archeology became the instrument for reconstructing the city of the past, considerably idealized and selective, which consequently allowed it to be used for political, especially nationalistic, purposes.</text>
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