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  Les notions d'architecture et de monument diffèrent grandement entre l'Occident et le Japon. Malgré la volonté de modernisation et d'occidentalisation de Meiji, aux alentours de 1885, les réalisations architecturales nouvelles se résolvent dans une imitation formelle, la théorie se réduit aux traités pratiques de charpenterie traditionnelle. Il faudra attendre ITÔ Chûta pour un premier traité théorique d'architecture, puis ÔTA Hirotarô pour une véritable histoire.
  Le palais impérial de Kyôto nous montre comment la notion japonaise de monument s'affranchit des contraintes de lieu, de datation, et même de fonction. Les déplacements, reconstructions, reconstitutions et copies plus ou moins fidèles sont le lot commun. Multiples qui créent une sorte de paysage mental du palais impérial de Kyôto, planant au-dessus des époques et des lieux, renouant avec le modèle originel dans son esprit, porté par sa forme, fût-ce par l'image d'un bâtiment plus récent.
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  S'appuyant sur l'étude de Roubaix et de Sheffield, cet article a pour objectif de montrer comment les élites des villes de tradition industrielle considèrent dorénavant que le réinvestissement de leur centre-ville par les classes moyennes constitue une solution au déclin, et en viennent ainsi à appuyer des processus de gentrification en cours par la mise en ?uvre de politiques urbaines. Cette évolution stratégique est tout à la fois le résultat de contraintes externes et de transformations politiques internes aux villes ; la diffusion de nouvelles théories du développement économique local est également un facteur explicatif de ce phénomène qui conduit à un traitement différencié de l'espace urbain.
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  Depuis les années 1980 et 1990, le quartier populaire hispanique de la Mission, à San Francisco (Californie), a été l'objet d'un processus de gentrification assez visible, devenant ainsi l'épicentre d'un vif débat sur les enjeux de ce phénomène pour les citadins aux États-Unis. À partir de cet exemple, cet article s'intéresse à l'impact d'une telle transformation sur les rapports au quartier de l'ensemble des habitants de la Mission. Il analyse en particulier les modalités de cohabitation entre les anciens résidents (que j'appellerai les « gentrifiés ») et les nouveaux arrivants par lesquels la gentrification advient (que je désignerai comme « gentrifieurs »). L'on verra qu'un certain nombre de décalages entre les pratiques et les représentations des uns et des autres rendent la cohabitation difficile et pleine de contradictions.
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                <text>« Gentrifieurs, gentrifiés » : cohabiter dans le quartier de la Mission (San Francisco)</text>
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  La restauration des monuments joue un rôle clé. En effet, elle permet de ré-habiter des bâtiments historiques qui, du fait de leur évolution, de leurs dimensions, de leur conception dans l'espace ou de leur situation géographique, constituent une offre de services pour la communauté à laquelle ils appartiennent. Cette renaissance se traduit, dans l'Espagne du xxe siècle, par l'aménagement de certains bâtiments classés patrimoine historique en « Paradores Nacionales ».
  L'un des exemples les plus éloquents et qui remonte à 1954, est la transformation en « Parador Nacional de Turismo » de l'ancien Hôpital inauguré par les Rois Catholiques en 1499 et stratégiquement construit à côté de la Cathédrale de Saint-Jacques-de-Compostelle. Les conséquences du passage d'un Hôpital Royal pour pèlerins à un Hôtel de luxe pour touristes, ainsi que la dimension touristique et le rôle moteur de cette restauration du patrimoine, ont été analysés dans le dialogue interdisciplinaire entre une géographe et une historienne de l'art.
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                <text>Espaces et sociétés,  126, 3, 2006-11-23, pp.159-177</text>
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                <text>Espaces et sociétés, n80, 1, 1996-03-01, pp.101-120</text>
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                <text>A l'ecart de la ville: en cités universitaires et en logements H.L.M.</text>
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  Cet article aborde la circulation des modèles urbains en s'intéressant à la rationalité de ceux qui s'y référent quand ils élaborent des projets d'aménagement urbain. En effet, labelliser, capitaliser et diffuser les « bonnes pratiques » ne dit rien sur ceux qui les utilisent, comment et pour en faire quoi. Pourtant, le recours aux expériences des autres est une démarche ordinaire des acteurs opérationnels de l'urbanisme. Deuxième point, s'appuyant sur les théories de l'innovation et une analyse empirique des pratiques, l'article souligne l'ambiguïté de la relation entre innovation et exemplarité. Enfin, il s'intéresse aux mécanismes de circulation des modèles dans un contexte d'innovation. Soulignant leur diversité, y compris au cours d'un même projet, il met en évidence un processus d'apprentissage et de production de connaissances. Il montre enfin comment le référent territorial joue un rôle déterminant dans l'exploration et l'évaluation des expériences « étrangères ».
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  La question de l'institutionnalisation s'est posée dès les premiers travaux sur les mouvements urbains. Elle réapparaît aujourd'hui dans un contexte de reconfiguration des formes de gouvernance urbaine, d'ouverture de nouveaux espaces de débats et de mise en ?uvre de dispositifs participatifs. La comparaison du fonctionnement d'une coordination associative à Paris et d'une coalition communautaire à Montréal montre comment les mouvements sociaux participent à la transformation des règles démocratiques et s'en trouvent eux-mêmes transformés. Les associations et les groupes communautaires négocient leur rôle entre intégration partielle et logique de contre-pouvoir. Les facteurs déterminants de cette négociation sont le degré et les formes d'organisation des mouvements sociaux, leur autonomie financière, leur capacité à conserver un espace de débat autonome.
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