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  En matière d'intervention sur les quartiers précaires, les « best practices » sont décrits comme des projets combinant innovation sociale et gestionnaire. Après avoir décrit les partenariats relatifs au slum redevelopement à Mumbaï (Inde), qui associent organisations communautaires, habitants et promoteurs pour offrir des logements en dur aux habitants des bidonvilles, l'évaluation porte sur les modalités et les qualités du relogement perçues par les ménages et sur la place des habitants dans la prise de décision. On s'attache ensuite à confronter les intentions et les justifications de projets de réhabilitation de quartiers précaires squattés à Ismailiya (Égypte) et à leurs effets sociaux. Les critères de sélection des habitants impliqués dans la participation font l'objet d'une évaluation critique. De même, cet article explore la relation entre régularisation et réhabilitation, en montrant que l'empilement de systèmes normatifs a des conséquences inattendues chez les bénéficiaires supposés.
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                <text>Espaces et sociétés, n 131, 4, 2008-02-08, pp.67-83</text>
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  La culture est considérée aujourd'hui comme un élément de valorisation pour les villes européennes et des équipements culturels sont créés dans de nombreuses opérations urbaines. Ce modèle de revitalisation urbaine par la culture se diffuse dans d'autres villes du monde. Ainsi, un quartier culturel (Newtown) a été créé à Johannesburg (Afrique du sud). Dans ce contexte urbain, social, économique et politique si différent, la culture peut-elle jouer un rôle similaire ? Quels sont les objectifs d'une telle opération ? Ce projet correspond-il aux modes de vie et aux comportements de consommation des habitants ?
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                <text>Espaces et sociétés, n 131, 4, 2008-02-08, pp.49-66</text>
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                <text>Johannesburg</text>
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                <text> revitalisation urbaine</text>
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                <text>tL'instrumentalisation de la culture dans les politiques urbaines : un modèle d'action transposable ?</text>
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  Cet article aborde la circulation des modèles urbains en s'intéressant à la rationalité de ceux qui s'y référent quand ils élaborent des projets d'aménagement urbain. En effet, labelliser, capitaliser et diffuser les « bonnes pratiques » ne dit rien sur ceux qui les utilisent, comment et pour en faire quoi. Pourtant, le recours aux expériences des autres est une démarche ordinaire des acteurs opérationnels de l'urbanisme. Deuxième point, s'appuyant sur les théories de l'innovation et une analyse empirique des pratiques, l'article souligne l'ambiguïté de la relation entre innovation et exemplarité. Enfin, il s'intéresse aux mécanismes de circulation des modèles dans un contexte d'innovation. Soulignant leur diversité, y compris au cours d'un même projet, il met en évidence un processus d'apprentissage et de production de connaissances. Il montre enfin comment le référent territorial joue un rôle déterminant dans l'exploration et l'évaluation des expériences « étrangères ».
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                <text>Espaces et sociétés, n 131, 4, 2008-02-08, pp.33-47</text>
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  L'analyse critique des « bonnes pratiques » dans le champ urbain suppose d'identifier le champ qu'elles recouvrent et l'extension de leurs possibles applications. Nous différencions ainsi des registres (incitatifs, prescriptifs, normatifs), des scènes et des outils qui les font exister et les rendent opérantes. Cette généalogie est doublée, dans un second temps, d'un suivi de configurations locales situées de bonnes pratiques, observées dans le cadre d'un grand projet de ville en action à Nantes. Il ressort de cet examen que les « bonnes pratiques » soit renvoient à des phénomènes de domination, soit se trouvent trop vite constituées dans une exemplarité locale, caricaturant aussi bien le local que les conditions de leurs expériences. Elles sont désormais un opérateur puissant de conformation et de distinction rejoignant aussi bien les doctrines gestionnaires que celles relatives au marketing urbain.
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                <text>Espaces et sociétés, n 131, 4, 2008-02-08, pp.15-31</text>
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  Les pratiques sportives sont de plus en plus individuelles et aléatoires, investissant des lieux publics, voire de grandes étendues « sauvages ». Les piscines sont des espaces aux contraintes matérielles fortes et peu adaptées à ces tendances. Deux piscines strasbourgeoises ont une « identité » singulière : l'une, construite sous l'occupation allemande, était un « temple de l'hygiène » ; l'autre, construite dans les années 1960, témoigne du modèle sportif de l'époque. Entre contrainte spatiale et marge de liberté, l'article explore les déterminants des mises en jeu corporelles ; il envisage les pratiques comme le produit d'une double intervention des structures sociales, dans les espaces et dans les corps.
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  À partir d'une enquête sur les travailleuses domestiques de Rio de Janeiro, on montre comment l'étude des supports territoriaux de l'identité personnelle permet de comprendre la diversité des formes de construction identitaire. Ces femmes ne se laissent en effet définir ni par l'identification à un groupe professionnel, ni par l'appartenance à un territoire. Il faut toujours les considérer comme des individus largement définis par la singularité du rapport à l'espace. Notre perspective cherche ainsi à dépasser l'opposition souvent stérile entre la sociologie des territoires et la sociologie des déplacements. La première partie de l'article est consacrée à la vigueur de l'identification à la ville de ces femmes massivement issues du monde rural. Nous examinons, ensuite, l'importance du lieu de résidence comme support essentiel dans la construction de l'identité.
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  La rencontre entre opérations de requalification urbaine et formes urbaines d'initiative populaire permet de poser la question du pouvoir de faire la ville, en particulier lorsque les formes spontanées, en dépit d'un rapport de force très inégal, parviennent à influencer durablement les opérations. C'est le cas depuis 1985 sur la muraille terrestre de Théodose II à Istanbul. Suite à l'inscription de la ville sur la liste du patrimoine mondial par l'Unesco, les opérations de dégagement et de « re-colonisation » par des formes d'usage clandestines se succèdent, caractérisant un processus de recomposition territoriale permanent et instable. L'article explore plusieurs pistes explicatives qui montrent la position paradoxale de la dimension historique dans les enjeux urbains et sociaux locaux, tiraillée entre reconstruction idéologique et refoulement.
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                <text>Espaces et sociétés, n 130, 3, 2007-09-10, pp.103-117</text>
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                <text>Batailles territoriales et symboliques autour de la muraille de Théodose II à Istanbul</text>
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  La reconstruction historicisante actuelle du Nouveau marché à Dresde fait jouer deux définitions du mot histoire : d'une part, « suite d'événements qui ont marqué une période », d'autre part, « mémoire que les générations postérieures conservent d'une période ». Si les projets prétendent porter témoignage de l'histoire du Neumarkt ? au premier sens ?, et renouer le « fil historique » rompu, force est cependant de constater qu'ils traduisent bien davantage la volonté d'oublier un passé récent douloureux à travers la construction d'un mythe. L'histoire dont ils portent témoignage est donc bien plutôt celle définie en second lieu.
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                <text>Espaces et sociétés, n 130, 3, 2007-09-10, pp.87-101</text>
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                <text>histoire</text>
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                <text>Le centre, la mémoire, l'identité. Des usages de l'histoire dans la (re)-construction du Nouveau marché de Dresde</text>
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  Dans le processus de rénovation des grands ensembles, il est fait appel à une forme d'histoire qui est davantage une mémoire du passé que sa reconstruction interprétative complète et distanciée. L'usage de cette forme d'histoire semble indispensable pour atténuer d'éventuelles réactions aux démolitions. À travers l'étude monographique de la cité des Courtillières à Pantin dans la région parisienne, c'est toute la complexité des situations et du jeu des acteurs qui éclaire les enjeux de la construction des grands ensembles et de leur évolution. Leur histoire sert ici à comprendre les grands ensembles dans toute leur diversité et à dépasser des lieux communs généralisateurs.
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                <text>Les Courtillières, cité ordinaire, histoire singulière ?</text>
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                <text>Busquet, Grégory </text>
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  L'histoire est traditionnellement présente dans l'enseignement de l'urbanisme qui se construit en France au long du xxe siècle, ainsi qu'en témoigne la pédagogie de l'Institut d'urbanisme de l'Université de Paris (1919-1971). Elle y est successivement portée par les figures de Marcel Poëte et de Pierre Lavedan. Elle tend toutefois à s'isoler de l'urbanisme lorsque la technicisation de celui-ci se renforce. L'histoire voit ainsi son statut passer de préalable à la planification à celui de discipline de recherche de plus en plus autonome. La difficulté des historiens de l'iuup à positionner leurs travaux apparaît révélatrice des relations complexes entre histoire, planification et recherche qui marquent la discipline urbanisme au long du siècle.
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                <text>Entre art et science, l'histoire à l'Institut d'urbanisme de l'université de Paris (1919-1971)</text>
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  La publication de l'Histoire de l'urbanisme étalée tout au long du xxe siècle d'une part, la relation que Pierre Lavedan a pu établir avec les urbanistes praticiens d'autre part, offrent un terrain exceptionnel pour repérer les différentes postures qu'un historien a pu occuper à l'égard de l'aménagement. Des années 1920 aux années 1950, la vision du rapport que l'historien entretient avec l'architecte urbaniste ou l'urbaniste s'est renversée. Alors que le premier Lavedan se positionne comme un admirateur de l'artiste, chargé de la récolte et de l'évaluation des formes, des styles et du patrimoine, le second fait apparaître la figure d'un donneur d'ordres à l'égard duquel les architectes deviennent des « exécutants ». Inscrites en filigrane dans ce discours d'historien, des visions devenues obsolètes de l'urbanisme ont pu gêner l'appropriation du travail de Lavedan, par les historiens de la ville qui ont commencé à publier dans les années 1970.
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  Entre 1999 et 2005, les villes nouvelles françaises ont fait l'objet d'un vaste Programme d'histoire et d'évaluation confié à Jean-Eudes Roullier. À l'occasion de ce programme, les historiens ont réinvesti un champ de recherche qu'ils avaient abordé une première fois à la fin des années 1980. L'achèvement de la Mission Roullier permet de mesurer l'état de la recherche historique sur les villes nouvelles. Si la question des origines reste ouverte, le phevn a aussi permis d'aborder les périodes les plus récentes de réalisation et de gestion des villes nouvelles. De même, alors que l'histoire culturelle avait été absente des premières recherches, elle a fortement conditionné les travaux les plus récents, tant dans les méthodes que dans les sujets de recherche. Le phevn participe du renouveau de l'histoire urbaine du contemporain, dans laquelle il devrait trouver ses prolongements naturels.
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                <text>villes nouvelles</text>
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  Le propos de cette réflexion est méthodologique : il envisage le rapport entre construction de l'objet et archives, à partir de l'expérience de recherche de sociologie historique de l'auteur, dont les travaux portent sur la politique de l'habitation populaire. Le texte souligne la proximité des problèmes que rencontrent l'enquête sociologique et l'investigation historique portant sur l'époque contemporaine. Il s'arrête sur l'usage des archives en relation avec les questions de la recherche, après avoir souligné l'analogie des démarches du sociologue et de l'historien confrontés à un document de même nature, puis traité du choix des sources.
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                <text>Perlès, Valérie</text>
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  L'artisanat dit « local », résultant d'une identité sans cesse réinventée, représente, depuis le début du xixe siècle, une source précieuse d'objets-souvenirs pour des vacanciers soucieux de manifester la preuve d'une expérience maîtrisée de la confrontation avec « l'autre et l'ailleurs ». Entre volonté de mise en valeur d'une situation de dépaysement et proposition d'une image de soi, ce type d'artisanat en dit autant sur la culture du touriste que sur celle de l'autochtone. D'une stratégie de survie économique par l'utilisation de clichés, immédiatement compris par les étrangers, à une démarche de patrimonialisation de savoir-faire, devenus eux-mêmes arguments touristiques, l'artisanat apparaît ici comme le révélateur d'une adhésion à une manière de vivre l'espace vacancier.
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                <text>fre</text>
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            <description>Information about rights held in and over the resource</description>
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                <text>Cairn</text>
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                <text>Espaces et sociétés, n 128-129, 1, 2007-05-24, pp.201-214</text>
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            <description>The topic of the resource</description>
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                <text>artisanat</text>
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                <text> tourisme</text>
              </elementText>
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                <text> objet-souvenir</text>
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                <text> identité</text>
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                <text> Alpes</text>
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              <elementText elementTextId="425505">
                <text>craft</text>
              </elementText>
              <elementText elementTextId="425506">
                <text> tourism</text>
              </elementText>
              <elementText elementTextId="425507">
                <text> souvenir</text>
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                <text> identity</text>
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                <text> Alps</text>
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            <name>Title</name>
            <description>A name given to the resource</description>
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                <text>L'artisan face au tourisme : un passeur d'espaces et de temps</text>
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              <name>Title</name>
              <description>A name given to the resource</description>
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                <text> Schaut, Christine</text>
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  Nous analysons les justifications des acteurs engagés au c?ur des politiques participatives dans deux dispositifs en Belgique : les conseils consultatifs des locataires à Bruxelles et le budget participatif à Mons. L'étude des registres de justification des acteurs politiques, initiateurs de ces nouveaux projets, témoigne à la fois de l'existence d'un important fond normatif commun dans lequel ils puisent pour légitimer leur action et de l'usage différencié de celui-ci en fonction de l'échelle d'intervention, de l'auditoire présent et de la temporalité. Nous montrons aussi que la confrontation des dispositifs aux terrains locaux et aux autres acteurs produit une complexification du recours aux justifications. Enfin, si ces autres acteurs puisent eux aussi dans le même réservoir d'idées, ils le font avec des positionnements et des intentions parfois opposés.
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              <elementText elementTextId="425478">
                <text>fre</text>
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            <name>Rights</name>
            <description>Information about rights held in and over the resource</description>
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                <text>Cairn</text>
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            <description>A related resource from which the described resource is derived</description>
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              <elementText elementTextId="425480">
                <text>Espaces et sociétés, n 128-129, 1, 2007-05-24, pp.185-199</text>
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            <description>The topic of the resource</description>
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                <text>justification</text>
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                <text> démocratie participative</text>
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                <text> quartiers populaires</text>
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                <text> Belgique</text>
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                <text>justification</text>
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                <text> public action</text>
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                <text> participative democracy</text>
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                <text> deprived neighbourhoods</text>
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                <text> Belgium</text>
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            <name>Title</name>
            <description>A name given to the resource</description>
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                <text>Justifications des politiques participatives : deux études de cas en Belgique</text>
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                <text>42</text>
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                <text>Suzanne, Gilles</text>
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                <text>2007</text>
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  Cet article étudie le rôle que la ville d'Oujda (Maroc) joue dans le dispositif commercial transméditerranéen. Fondé sur une description empirique, il documente la circulation transmaghrébine de marchandises, il rend compte de l'organisation des mondes marchands, analyse également les réseaux complexes de l'économie informelle. Le cas d'Oujda révèle alors l'importance des villes du sud de la Méditerranée dans la mondialisation des échanges.
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              <elementText elementTextId="425458">
                <text>fre</text>
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            <name>Rights</name>
            <description>Information about rights held in and over the resource</description>
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                <text>Cairn</text>
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            <description>A related resource from which the described resource is derived</description>
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              <elementText elementTextId="425460">
                <text>Espaces et sociétés, n 128-129, 1, 2007-05-24, pp.171-184</text>
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                <text>places marchandes</text>
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                <text> réseaux trans-nationaux</text>
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                <text> Méditerranée</text>
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                <text>trade town</text>
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                <text> informal economy</text>
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              <elementText elementTextId="425468">
                <text> trans-nationals networks</text>
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                <text> Morocco</text>
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                <text> Mediterranean</text>
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            <name>Title</name>
            <description>A name given to the resource</description>
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              <elementText elementTextId="425471">
                <text>Oujda ou l'arrière-pays de l'économie transméditerranéenne</text>
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