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Aude Tincelin</text>
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2012

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&amp;nbsp;&lt;/div&gt;
&amp;quot;Avec ses pieds et son v&amp;eacute;lo, Aude Tincelin a quadrill&amp;eacute; les grands ensembles en pleine r&amp;eacute;novation urbaine, &amp;agrave; travers l'Ile-de-France. Cette photographe ind&amp;eacute;pendante a travaill&amp;eacute; une ann&amp;eacute;e, du printemps 2011 au printemps 2012, avec Nathalie Pierrer, une journaliste du Parisien, &amp;eacute;dition Seine-Saint-Denis.&lt;/div&gt;
&amp;nbsp;&lt;/div&gt;
A quatre mains, elles ont &amp;eacute;crit &amp;laquo; Archives 01 &amp;raquo;, publi&amp;eacute; aux &amp;eacute;ditions Illimit&amp;eacute;es, un petit livre de photos que l'on peut glisser dans sa poche. Petit livre de plus de 300 clich&amp;eacute;s de villes vides, de b&amp;acirc;timents parfois d&amp;eacute;labr&amp;eacute;s, souvent r&amp;eacute;nov&amp;eacute;s. Tous en travaux ou sur le point de l'&amp;ecirc;tre. Il n'y a pas d'habitants, ou quelques rares silhouettes.&lt;/div&gt;
&amp;nbsp;&lt;/div&gt;
Aude Tincelin a choisi d'appuyer sur le d&amp;eacute;clencheur t&amp;ocirc;t le matin, en semaine, l&amp;agrave; il y a peu de monde. &amp;laquo; Je ne photographie pas les gens. Je ne justifie pas ma pr&amp;eacute;sence. Ce sont des portraits de quartiers. Je ne triche pas. Il y a des moments o&amp;ugrave; il n'y a personne dans les rues. L'id&amp;eacute;e, c'&amp;eacute;tait de ne pas rajouter quoique ce soit &amp;agrave; ce que je voyais &amp;raquo;, explique la photographe. Au final, les images sont justes et sans bruit. Des images silencieuses.&amp;quot;&lt;/div&gt;
&amp;nbsp;&lt;/div&gt;
&lt;b&gt;A noter : Cr&amp;eacute;villes aime cet ouvrage et vous recommande d'acheter la version papier !&lt;/b&gt;&lt;/div&gt;
&amp;nbsp;&lt;/div&gt;
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&amp;nbsp;&lt;/div&gt;
Quand quatre jeunes de banlieue se prennent d&amp;rsquo;&amp;eacute;crire leur quotidien avec un de leurs &amp;eacute;ducateurs pendant plus d&amp;rsquo;un an, &amp;ccedil;a envoie du lourd.&lt;/div&gt;
&amp;nbsp;&lt;/div&gt;
Entre provocations polici&amp;egrave;res, soir&amp;eacute;es &amp;agrave; tchatcher dans les halls d&amp;rsquo;immeuble, jugements et appels, embrouilles &amp;agrave; la con, boulots foireux, visites en prison, heures d&amp;rsquo;ennui et &amp;eacute;clats de rire, c&amp;rsquo;est le quotidien d&amp;rsquo;un quartier populaire comme tant d&amp;rsquo;autres qui est racont&amp;eacute;.&lt;/div&gt;
&amp;nbsp;&lt;/div&gt;
Mais c&amp;rsquo;est sans doute des mots que viendront les solutions. La d&amp;eacute;couverte de l&amp;rsquo;&amp;eacute;criture et du pouvoir de ces foutus mots. Face &amp;agrave; des flics. Face &amp;agrave; des juges. Face &amp;agrave; soi-m&amp;ecirc;me.&lt;/div&gt;
&amp;nbsp;&lt;/div&gt;
&lt;b&gt;A noter :&lt;/b&gt; les &amp;eacute;ditions Zones donnent gratuitement acc&amp;egrave;s au contenu des livres qu'elles publient en esp&amp;eacute;rant que ces &amp;quot;lybers&amp;quot; vous donneront envie d&amp;rsquo;acheter leurs livres, disponibles dans toutes les bonnes librairies. Car c&amp;rsquo;est la vente de livres qui permet de r&amp;eacute;mun&amp;eacute;rer l&amp;rsquo;auteur, l&amp;rsquo;&amp;eacute;diteur et le libraire, et de vous proposer de nouveaux lybers et de nouveaux livres.&lt;/div&gt;
&amp;nbsp;&lt;/div&gt;
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Codesria

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&amp;nbsp;&lt;/div&gt;
Cet ouvrage est le produit d&amp;rsquo;une recherche collaborative entre l&amp;rsquo;Institut de Recherche pour le d&amp;eacute;veloppement (IRD, France), l&amp;rsquo;Universit&amp;eacute; de Legon (Ghana) et le CODESRIA.&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
S&amp;rsquo;interrogeant sur les familles citadines et les pratiques r&amp;eacute;sidentielles &amp;agrave; l&amp;rsquo;&amp;eacute;preuve de la mobilit&amp;eacute;, cette contribution s&amp;rsquo;est inscrite dans les projets scientifiques concernant pr&amp;eacute;cis&amp;eacute;ment l&amp;rsquo;urbanisation et un cas m&amp;eacute;tropolitain en Afrique de l&amp;rsquo;Ouest. Elle a privil&amp;eacute;gi&amp;eacute; la collecte de donn&amp;eacute;es originales et leur mise en perspective dans l&amp;rsquo;&amp;eacute;tat des connaissances sur les dynamiques sociales et territoriales des grandes villes africaines.&lt;/div&gt;
&amp;nbsp;&lt;/div&gt;
&lt;b&gt;Sommaire :&lt;/b&gt;&lt;/div&gt;
&amp;nbsp;&lt;/div&gt;
1. Introduction : d&amp;eacute;fis de l&amp;rsquo;urbanisation au Ghana&lt;br /&gt;
Paul W. K. Yankson &amp;amp; Monique Bertrand (3-46)&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
2. Urban Families and Residential Mobility in Accra&lt;br /&gt;
Elizabeth Ardayfio-Schandorf&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
3. Household Dynamics and Residential Patterns in the Greater Accra Metropolitan Area&lt;br /&gt;
Elizabeth Ardayfio-Schandorf&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
4. M&amp;eacute;nages, familles et r&amp;eacute;sidence&lt;br /&gt;
Monique Bertrand&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
5. Notion de logement, pratiques r&amp;eacute;sidentielles en discussion&lt;br /&gt;
Monique Bertrand&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
6. Landlordism and Housing Production in Greater Accra Metropolitan Area&lt;br /&gt;
Paul W. K. Yankson&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
7. Rental Housing and Tenancy Dynamics with Particular Focus on Low-income Households in Greater Accra Metropolitan Area&lt;br /&gt;
Paul W. K. Yankson (183-206)&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
8. Citadins en mouvements&lt;br /&gt;
Monique Bertrand avec la collaboration de Daniel Delaunay&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
9. Conclusion : m&amp;eacute;tropolisation et fragmentation du Grand Accra&lt;br /&gt;
Monique Bertrand&lt;/div&gt;
&amp;nbsp;&lt;/div&gt;
&lt;b&gt;Elizabeth Ardayfio-Schandorf&lt;/b&gt; est g&amp;eacute;ographe et professeure &amp;agrave; l&amp;rsquo;Universit&amp;eacute; du Ghana (Legon). Elle est aussi Directrice du Family and Development Programme dans la m&amp;ecirc;me universit&amp;eacute;.&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;b&gt;Paul W.K. Yankson&lt;/b&gt; est professeur de g&amp;eacute;ographie &amp;agrave; l&amp;rsquo;Universit&amp;eacute; du Ghana, Legon. Il y dirige &amp;eacute;galement le Laboratoire de T&amp;eacute;l&amp;eacute;d&amp;eacute;tection appliqu&amp;eacute;e. &lt;br /&gt;
&lt;b&gt;Monique Bertrand&lt;/b&gt; est g&amp;eacute;ographe et directrice de Recherches &amp;agrave; l&amp;rsquo;UMR 201 &amp;laquo; D&amp;eacute;veloppement et soci&amp;eacute;t&amp;eacute;s &amp;raquo; de l&amp;rsquo;IEDES-Universit&amp;eacute; Paris 1 et de l&amp;rsquo;Institut de Recherche pour le D&amp;eacute;veloppement (IRD).&lt;/div&gt;
&amp;nbsp;&lt;/div&gt;
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Michel Verni&amp;egrave;res (dir.)</text>
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&amp;nbsp;&lt;/div&gt;
Le patrimoine urbain est d&amp;eacute;sormais consid&amp;eacute;r&amp;eacute; par les acteurs du d&amp;eacute;veloppement comme une ressource pour leur territoire. Ils cherchent donc &amp;agrave; en pr&amp;eacute;ciser la valeur &amp;eacute;conomique. Cette &amp;eacute;valuation est d&amp;eacute;licate car ce patrimoine est une r&amp;eacute;alit&amp;eacute; complexe qui combine quatre dimensions interd&amp;eacute;pendantes : &amp;eacute;conomiques, culturelles, sociales et environnementales.&lt;/div&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
La m&amp;eacute;thodologie d&amp;rsquo;&amp;eacute;valuation &amp;eacute;conomique du patrimoine urbain comprend quatre phases d&amp;rsquo;analyse. La premi&amp;egrave;re &amp;eacute;tape d&amp;rsquo;identification de ce patrimoine ne saurait se contenter d&amp;rsquo;une approche exclusivement &amp;eacute;conomique : elle suppose de combiner celle-ci avec des approches historiques et sociologiques. L&amp;rsquo;&amp;eacute;valuation des services rendus par le patrimoine urbain constitue la deuxi&amp;egrave;me &amp;eacute;tape. Le troisi&amp;egrave;me temps est central dans la m&amp;eacute;thodologie propos&amp;eacute;e : &amp;agrave; partir de la notion de soutenabilit&amp;eacute;, emprunt&amp;eacute;e &amp;agrave; l&amp;rsquo;&amp;eacute;conomie de l&amp;rsquo;environnement, sont confront&amp;eacute;s les flux d&amp;rsquo;investissement et de d&amp;eacute;gradation du patrimoine urbain. Enfin, des effets de seuil et de risques de non-soutenabilit&amp;eacute; sont introduits dans l&amp;rsquo;analyse. Un diagramme de soutenabilit&amp;eacute; permet de visualiser et synth&amp;eacute;tiser cette d&amp;eacute;marche en un seul sch&amp;eacute;ma.&lt;/div&gt;
&amp;nbsp;&lt;/div&gt;
&lt;b&gt;Sommaire :&lt;/b&gt;&lt;/div&gt;
&amp;nbsp;&lt;/div&gt;
Introduction&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;b&gt;1. L&amp;rsquo;approche patrimoniale : la notion de patrimoine urbain&lt;/b&gt;&lt;br /&gt;
1.1. Les approches historique, sociologique et &amp;eacute;conomique&lt;br /&gt;
1.2. Les politiques patrimoniales : l&amp;rsquo;int&amp;eacute;gration de l&amp;rsquo;&amp;eacute;conomique et du social&lt;br /&gt;
1.3. La probl&amp;eacute;matique du patrimoine urbain vue par les bailleurs&lt;br /&gt;
1.4. Les syst&amp;egrave;mes de financement du patrimoine urbain&lt;br /&gt;
1.5. Protection et valorisation du patrimoine urbain : la gestion des risques&lt;br /&gt;
1.6. Esquisse de typologie des centres urbains historiques&lt;br /&gt;
1.7. Le patrimoine urbain dans les processus de d&amp;eacute;veloppement territorial&lt;br /&gt;
1.8. Le patrimoine urbain, un patrimoine &amp;agrave; part&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;b&gt;2. Les principales m&amp;eacute;thodes d&amp;rsquo;&amp;eacute;valuation &amp;eacute;conomique du patrimoine&lt;/b&gt;&lt;br /&gt;
2.1. Les m&amp;eacute;thodes standard d&amp;rsquo;&amp;eacute;valuation &amp;eacute;conomique appliqu&amp;eacute;es au patrimoine culturel et au patrimoine urbain&lt;br /&gt;
2.2. Les m&amp;eacute;thodes d&amp;rsquo;&amp;eacute;valuation environnementale : bilan &lt;br /&gt;
2.3. Transposition des m&amp;eacute;thodes d&amp;rsquo;&amp;eacute;valuation utilis&amp;eacute;es dans le domaine de l&amp;rsquo;environnement au domaine du patrimoine urbain&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;b&gt;3. Une grille d&amp;rsquo;&amp;eacute;valuation &amp;eacute;conomique du patrimoine urbain&lt;/b&gt;&lt;br /&gt;
3.1. Introduction&lt;br /&gt;
3.2. Une grille d&amp;rsquo;analyse reposant sur une approche inclusive de la soutenabilit&amp;eacute;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;b&gt;4. Une illustration de la grille d&amp;rsquo;analyse : le patrimoine urbain de Saint-Louis du S&amp;eacute;n&amp;eacute;gal et Sousse (Tunisie)&lt;/b&gt;&lt;br /&gt;
4.1. Introduction&lt;br /&gt;
4.2. Premi&amp;egrave;re &amp;eacute;tape de la grille : l&amp;rsquo;identification du patrimoine urbain (analyse en termes de stocks)&lt;br /&gt;
4.3. Deuxi&amp;egrave;me &amp;eacute;tape de la grille : identification des services rendus (valeurs de flux)&lt;br /&gt;
4.4.Troisi&amp;egrave;me &amp;eacute;tape de la grille : taux d&amp;rsquo;accumulation, investissements et d&amp;eacute;pr&amp;eacute;ciation. Le diagramme de soutenabilit&amp;eacute;&lt;br /&gt;
4.5. Quatri&amp;egrave;me &amp;eacute;tape de la grille : effets de seuil et de risques&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
Conclusion&lt;br /&gt;
Liste des sigles et abr&amp;eacute;viations&lt;br /&gt;
Glossaire&lt;br /&gt;
Bibliographie&lt;/div&gt;
&amp;nbsp;&lt;/div&gt;
&lt;b&gt;Michel Verni&amp;egrave;res&lt;/b&gt; est professeur &amp;eacute;m&amp;eacute;rite de sciences &amp;eacute;conomiques &amp;agrave; l&amp;rsquo;Universit&amp;eacute; de Paris 1 Panth&amp;eacute;on-Sorbonne, chercheur associ&amp;eacute; au centre d&amp;rsquo;&amp;eacute;conomie de la Sorbonne.&lt;/div&gt;
&amp;nbsp;&lt;/div&gt;
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Actes de la Rencontre organis&amp;eacute;e le mardi 23 novembre 2010 &amp;agrave; la D&amp;eacute;l&amp;eacute;gation &amp;agrave; la politique de la ville et &amp;agrave; l&amp;rsquo;int&amp;eacute;gration de Paris.&lt;/div&gt;
&amp;nbsp;&lt;/div&gt;
Co-&amp;eacute;dit&amp;eacute; par le Centre de ressources politique de la ville en Essonne,  la D&amp;eacute;l&amp;eacute;gation &amp;agrave; la politique de la ville et &amp;agrave; l&amp;rsquo;int&amp;eacute;gration de la ville  de Paris, le P&amp;ocirc;le de ressources d&amp;eacute;partemental Ville et D&amp;eacute;veloppement  social du Val d&amp;rsquo;Oise et Profession Banlieue.&lt;/div&gt;
&amp;nbsp;&lt;/div&gt;
La ville accueille, attire, concentre&amp;hellip; Mais si la ville est un lieu o&amp;ugrave; l&amp;rsquo;on arrive, est-elle encore pour autant un lieu d&amp;rsquo;accueil et d&amp;rsquo;hospitalit&amp;eacute; ? Quels droits, quelles solidarit&amp;eacute;s, quelle place pour ceux qui &amp;eacute;chappent aux processus nationaux de la solidarit&amp;eacute; redistributive et aux b&amp;eacute;n&amp;eacute;fices du droit commun ? Et sur quels leviers agir pour construire une m&amp;eacute;tropole &amp;eacute;quilibr&amp;eacute;e et solidaire ?&lt;/div&gt;
&amp;nbsp;&lt;/div&gt;
&lt;b&gt;Sommaire &lt;/b&gt;:&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
Introduction&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
Le recours &amp;agrave; la notion d&amp;rsquo;hospitalit&amp;eacute; peut-il &amp;eacute;clairer les d&amp;eacute;bats actuels sur la ville ?&lt;br /&gt;
Anne Gotmann, directrice de recherches au Centre de recherche sur les liens sociaux (Cerlis-CNRS), universit&amp;eacute; Paris V &amp;ndash; Ren&amp;eacute;-Descartes&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
Espace public, espace commun ?&lt;br /&gt;
Laurent Bony, architecte urbaniste conseiller au CAUE 91,charg&amp;eacute; de cours &amp;agrave; l&amp;rsquo;&amp;Eacute;cole nationale sup&amp;eacute;rieure d&amp;rsquo;architecture de Paris - La Villette&lt;br /&gt;
Marie-Odile Terrenoire, responsable du P&amp;ocirc;le ressources de la D&amp;eacute;l&amp;eacute;gation &amp;agrave; la politique de la ville et &amp;agrave; l&amp;rsquo;int&amp;eacute;gration de la Ville de Paris&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
Les usages de l&amp;rsquo;espace public en question. L&amp;rsquo;exp&amp;eacute;rience limite du sans-domicile-fixe&lt;br /&gt;
Pascale Pichon, sociologue, ma&amp;icirc;tre de conf&amp;eacute;rence &amp;agrave; l&amp;rsquo;universit&amp;eacute; de Saint-&amp;Eacute;tienne, chercheure au laboratoire Modys (CNRS)&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
Diversit&amp;eacute; des moteurs et des formes d&amp;rsquo;exclusion territoriale en &amp;Icirc;le-de-France et leviers de l&amp;rsquo;action publique&lt;br /&gt;
Brigitte Guigou, sociologue-urbaniste, Institut d&amp;rsquo;am&amp;eacute;nagement et d&amp;rsquo;urbanisme d&amp;rsquo;&amp;Icirc;le-de-France&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
Graphiques et cartographie&lt;br /&gt;
&amp;Eacute;l&amp;eacute;ments bibliographiques&lt;/div&gt;
&amp;nbsp;&lt;/div&gt;
&amp;nbsp;&lt;/div&gt;
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&amp;nbsp;&lt;/div&gt;
I became interested in nineteenth-century Chicago labor history in an indirect way. I had begun a study of political mobilization in Chicago community organizing and felt that I could not understand the political process that led to such mobilization without also understanding the underlying political and economic forces that created issues for community groups. I undertook a study of disinvestment in an aging industrial city - investigating Chicago's loss of thousands of manufacturing jobs, the denial of mortgages and loans to black inner-city neighborhoods, and the flight of many middle-class residents to the suburbs. The political and economic consequences of these underlying trends resulted in the mobilization of community groups to fight job loss, crime, redlining, and housing abandonment.&lt;/div&gt;
&amp;nbsp;&lt;/div&gt;
I also  became fascinated with the idea of comparing movements that arose as a result of decline and disinvestment with movements that responded to growth and investment in Chicago in its early history. I wanted to be able to answer the question how movements reacting to industrialization and urbanization in nineteenth-century Chicago differed from movements responding to deindustrialization and population loss. I also wanted to understand why the protest movements in the nineteenth century were generally labor oriented, but post-World War II, twentieth-century protests were more likely to be carried out by community organizations.&lt;/div&gt;
&amp;nbsp;&lt;/div&gt;
This interest led me to study the Chicago labor movement in the 1870s and 1880s, a period of industrialization and urban growth.&lt;/div&gt;
&amp;nbsp;&lt;/div&gt;
&lt;b&gt;Eric L. Hirsch &lt;/b&gt;is Assistant Professor of Sociology at Columbia University.&lt;/div&gt;
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                <text>&lt;div&gt;&lt;b&gt;Abstract from the publisher:&lt;/b&gt;&lt;/div&gt;
&amp;nbsp;&lt;/div&gt;
Capital cities today remain central to both nations and states. They host centres of political power, not only national, but in some cases regional and global as well, thus offering major avenues to success, wealth and privilege. For these reasons capitals simultaneously become centres of 'counter-power', locations of high-stakes struggles between the government and the opposition.&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
This volume focuses on capital cities in nine sub-Saharan African countries, and traces how the power vested in them has evolved through different colonial backgrounds, radically different kinds of regimes after independence, waves of popular protest, explosive population growth and in most cases stunted economic development. Starting at the point of national political emancipation, each case study explores the complicated processes of nation-state building through its manifestation in the 'urban geology' of the city &amp;ndash; its architecture, iconography, layout and political use of urban space. Although the evolution of each of these cities is different, they share a critical demographic feature: an extraordinarily rapid process of urbanisation that is more politically than economically driven. Overwhelmed by the inevitable challenges resulting from this urban sprawl, the governments seated in most of these capital cities are in effect both powerful &amp;ndash; wielding power over their populace &amp;ndash; and powerless, lacking power to implement their plans and to provide for their inhabitants.&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
In its concentration on urban forms of multi-layered power, symbolic as well as material, Capital Cities in Africa cuts a new path in the rich field of studies related to African cities and politics. It will be of interest to scholars in a wide range of disciplines, from political history, to sociology, to geography, architecture and urban planning.&lt;/div&gt;
&amp;nbsp;&lt;/div&gt;
&lt;b&gt;Contents:&lt;/b&gt;&lt;/div&gt;
&amp;nbsp;&lt;/div&gt;
Simon Bekker and G&amp;ouml;ran Therboro - Introduction&lt;/div&gt;
Odile Goerg - Conakry&lt;/div&gt;
Amadou Diop - Dakar&lt;/div&gt;
Phillippe Gervais-Lambony - Lom&amp;eacute;&lt;/div&gt;
Laurent Fouchard - Lagos&lt;/div&gt;
Wale Adebanwi - Abuja&lt;/div&gt;
Gabriel Tati - Brazzaville&lt;/div&gt;
Samuel Owuor and Teresa Mbatia - Nairobi&lt;/div&gt;
Paul Jenkins - Maputo and Luanda&lt;/div&gt;
Alan Mabin - South African capital cities&lt;/div&gt;
G&amp;ouml;ran Therborn and Simon Bekker - Conclusion&lt;/div&gt;
&amp;nbsp;&lt;/div&gt;
&lt;b&gt;Simon Bekker&lt;/b&gt; is a South African sociologist who has served as Professor of Development Studies at Rhodes University, and as Director of the Centre for Social and Development Studies at the (then) University of Natal. He is currently Emeritus Professor in Sociology at the University of Stellenbosch.&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;b&gt;G&amp;ouml;ran Therborn&lt;/b&gt; is an international Swedish sociologist who has served as Professor of Sociology at Cambridge and Uppsala Universities, as Professor of Politics in Nijmegen Netherlands, and as co-Director of the Swedish Collegium for Advanced Study in the Social Sciences. He has launched a globally comparative project on Cities of Power, focusing on capital cities.&lt;/div&gt;
&amp;nbsp;&lt;/div&gt;
&amp;nbsp;&lt;/div&gt;
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                <text>&lt;div&gt;&lt;b&gt;Extract from the Preface:&lt;/b&gt;&lt;/div&gt; &amp;nbsp;&lt;/div&gt; In Downtown San Francisco, just one block from the Transamerica pyramid, is the large relict basement of the International Hotel. The lot has stood empty since 1977. In the Western Addition, one and a half miles to the west, there stretched until recently a vast tract of bulldozed basements; many of the former buildings had been rooming houses. While I have worked on this book, these two empty sites have haunted me. Before demolition, both had been commercially developed as single-room housing. Yet both sites&amp;mdash;undeveloped land in the middle of a densely built and prosperous city&amp;mdash;seem to have been sown with salt.&lt;br /&gt; &lt;br /&gt; These lots represent important aspects of the American single-room housing crisis: first, the seemingly irrational destruction of millions of private low-rent housing units that are still desperately needed, and second, the near total misunderstanding of life in such places. This book charts the social and cultural history of this residential life and how Americans have arrived at today's hotel housing crisis. For two hundred years, hotels have served a series of domestic roles in urban vernacular environments and subcultures; for at least one hundred years, the keepers of official culture have aimed at eliminating these roles. The hotel housing crisis has resulted from the clash between these two histories.&lt;br /&gt; &lt;br /&gt; My overarching purpose in this work is to expand the notion of &amp;quot;home&amp;quot; in the United States. I have arrived at this goal slowly. When I began, I was a critic of living in hotels. In 1977, when thousands of demonstrators were protesting the evictions and demolition at the International Hotel, I asked, &amp;quot;Why such a fuss? Why would anyone want to live in a hotel?&amp;quot; Then a 1980 study presented this startling fact: half the hotel rooms in San Francisco were residential, and most were in small thirty-room buildings. &amp;quot;Where were all these hotels?&amp;quot; I asked. &amp;quot;Who were they built for?&amp;quot; In answering these questions, the positive potentials of hotel life became apparent. There are major problems in some hotels, but I am now convinced that where hotels are properly managed and maintained, they deserve a place in the range of American housing.&lt;br /&gt; &lt;br /&gt; Although this study is chronological, the sections of the book do not follow a single chronological line. In each chapter, the chronology is typically broken and begun again. The outer edges of the years studied are 1800 and 1980, but the greatest historical detail dates from between 1880 and 1930, the period when downtown hotel life was most vigorous. The majority of the remaining residential hotel buildings in the United States date from this period. These fifty years also marked the widest viable range of housing diversity in American urban history.&lt;br /&gt; &lt;br /&gt; The methods used in this work depend on the conviction that studying the interweaving of buildings and social groups can provide important historical insights. Explaining the tensions between the vernacular and the official, as well as the social and the architectural, has required close study of the physical fabric of ordinary buildings and streets that are rarely photographed or described by experts. In the absence of systematic social surveys or verbal accounts for all types of hotel life, the buildings themselves (or records of those buildings) have been essential documents, and I have studied them with methods borrowed from quantitative social history. To discover what constituted the architectural average of everyday hotel living required a sample of several hundred buildings randomly selected from city directory listings for San Francisco hotels (more precisely, a 12 percent sample of all businesses listed under the categories of hotels, boardinghouses, rooming houses, lodgings, lodging houses, and rooms for the years 1880, 1910, and 1930). Each sampled hotel was then carefully described using data interpolated from Sanborn insurance maps, city tax records, building permit and inspection records, and water company records (which often recorded plans and plumbing fixture lists). This process provided a fairly reliable answer to what types of buildings and locations were in fact most common (table 1, Appendix). Thus, when I refer to a &amp;quot;typical&amp;quot; building&amp;mdash;particularly between 1880 and 1930&amp;mdash;I can do so with confidence. As with manuscript sources, what is erased often proves to be as culturally telling as what remains. In demolition records (where they survived), the nature of the struggle between the official and the ordinary became most clear.&lt;br /&gt; &lt;br /&gt; This focus on the ordinary locates Living Downtown as an urban example of cultural landscape studies&amp;mdash;where landscape means not scenery or open space but the spatial and cultural relationships between groups of people and their everyday surroundings. As such, this study is also within the overlapping realms of cultural and urban history, architectural history, and human geography. However, the work does not develop a traditional aesthetic history of hotel architecture. Nor does it provide a detailed history of San Francisco or suggest specific policies for the future of hotel living. These aspects have been studied by others cited in the notes. Also, most attention goes not to the elegant palace hotels but to rooming houses and cheap lodging houses, because of their larger populations. Where it is used, the slippery term &amp;quot;center city&amp;quot; refers to the retail and office downtown together with the industrial districts and older residential neighborhoods within reasonable walking radius (one or two miles) from the downtown. I have touched only lightly on hotel labor issues, which are well documented elsewhere, but I place a strong emphasis on employment and property capital as integral aspects of American culture. This study critiques downtown landowners, Progressive Era reformers, architects, and city planning officials, but many of the book's heroes are also from these groups. My targets are not any particular people or profession but narrow thinking and the insidious power of both inadvertent and deliberate ignorance. I hope that Living Downtown will be a point of departure for further study and a step toward preventing more empty sites like those of the International Hotel and the Western Addition.&lt;/div&gt; &amp;nbsp;&lt;/div&gt; &lt;b&gt;Paul Groth &lt;/b&gt;is Professor of Geography and Architecture at the University of California, Berkeley.&lt;/div&gt; &amp;nbsp;&lt;/div&gt; </text>
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                <text>&lt;div&gt;&lt;b&gt;Extract from the Introduction:&lt;/b&gt;&lt;/div&gt;
&amp;nbsp;&lt;/div&gt;
This study explores social practices and rituals related to xxiangyi , also called xiangqing and ziyi , Chinese expressions for the sentiment that binds people from the same native place. This sentiment, and the social institutions which expressed it, profoundly shaped the nature and development of modern Chinese urban society. The two quotations which begin this chapter suggest twin aspects of urban social organization and behavior that correspond to native-place sentiment. The account in the 1907 Shanghai gazetteer describes organization by native place as a necessary, natural, specifically Chinese and indeed &amp;quot;morally excellent&amp;quot; response to the dangers posed by urban admixture and anomie. Daotai Intendment Wu XU's description of the city under his jurisdiction indicates a possible drawback to the &amp;quot;moral excellence&amp;quot; of native-place sentiment, suggesting that, when individuals from different native-place groups mixed together on a city street, they felt no common identity as Chinese. The chapters which follow address these themes&amp;mdash;the prominence of native-place sentiment and organization in Chinese cities and the influence of such ideas and social formations on city life, social order and urban and national identity.&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
The study is based on Shanghai and covers nearly a century, from the opening of the city to foreign trade in 1843 to the establishment of Guomindang dominance in the Nanjing decade (1927-37). Throughout this period immigrant groups from other areas of China dominated Shanghai's rapidly expanding urban population, which more than quadrupled in the nineteenth century. Shanghai's population in 1800 was between one-quarter and one-third million. By 1910 it was 1.3 million. It doubled again by 1927, to 2.6 million. Throughout the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries, immigrants comprised at least 75 percent of the total figure. Some of these immigrants came to Shanghai to explore economic opportunities; others came in waves to flee war and famine in their native place.&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
Combining forces to meet the imperatives of their new urban surroundings, these immigrants formed native-place associations, huiguan and tongxianghui. Such associations and the sentiments which engendered them were formative elements of Shanghai's urban environment throughout the late Qing and early Republican periods. Social, economic and political organization along lines of regional identity shaped the development of the city.&lt;/div&gt;
&amp;nbsp;&lt;/div&gt;
&lt;b&gt;Contents:&lt;/b&gt;&lt;/div&gt;
&amp;nbsp;&lt;/div&gt;
1. Introduction: The moral excellence of loving the group&lt;/div&gt;
2. Foreign imperialism, immigration and disoder: Opium War aftermath and the Small Sword uprisong of 1853&lt;/div&gt;
3. Community, hierarchy and authority: Elites and non-elites in the making of native-place culture during the late Qing&lt;/div&gt;
4. Expansive practices: Charity, modern enterprise, the city and the state&lt;/div&gt;
5. Native-place associations, foreign authority and early popular nationalism&lt;/div&gt;
6. The native place and the nation: Anti-imperialist and republican revolutionary mobilization&lt;/div&gt;
7. &amp;quot;Modern spirit,&amp;quot; institutional change and the effects of warlord government associations in the early republic&lt;/div&gt;
8. The native place and the state: Nationalism, state building and public maneuvering&lt;/div&gt;
9. Conclusion: Culture, modernity and the sources of national identity&lt;/div&gt;
&amp;nbsp;&lt;/div&gt;
&lt;b&gt;Bryna Goodman &lt;/b&gt;is Professor and Director of Asian Studies in the Department of History, University of Oregon.&lt;/div&gt;
&amp;nbsp;&lt;/div&gt;
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                <text>&lt;div&gt;&lt;b&gt;Extract from the introduction:&lt;/b&gt;&lt;/div&gt;
&amp;nbsp;&lt;/div&gt;
The task I have undertaken in this book is to account for the peculiar sense of solidarity that the citizens of Barcelona developed between 1888 and 1939, and to explain why shared experiences of civic culture and pageantry were sometimes sufficient to galvanize resistance to national authoritarian governments but not always enough to overcome internecine struggles based on class and gender in the city itself. Most of all, I am concerned here with the process by which principles of regional freedom and economic equity developed and changed in a city long known for its commitment to human dignity and artistic achievement.&lt;/div&gt;
&amp;nbsp;&lt;/div&gt;
Women occupy a central place in this study of the creation and transformation of civic culture as a forum for political struggle. The grassroots politics in which activist women overwhelmingly participated has often been overlooked in studies of political life in Barcelona at this time. Yet because this study regards streets and caf&amp;eacute;s as political arenas, women's activities in them and in the movements that emanated from them assume a pivotal position in the arguments that follow.&lt;/div&gt;
&amp;nbsp;&lt;/div&gt;
From 1888 to 1939 the politics of region, class, and gender expressed themselves in terms of assorted communal manifestations of Barcelona's civic culture. Festivals and other street gatherings were prominent, providing a means to vent officially repressed aspirations as well as officially sanctioned sentiments. The same festivals or public events could serve divergent purposes at different times. They could express or encourage either local solidarity or internal struggle, celebration or opposition. Thus, civic forms could and did evolve over time, providing a rich and flexible political language that, in turn, gave rise to new strains of thought and new political options. This process both influenced and was reflected in the words of artists like Pablo Picasso, who came of age in Barcelona during this period.&lt;/div&gt;
&amp;nbsp;&lt;/div&gt;
&lt;b&gt;Contents:&lt;/b&gt;&lt;/div&gt;
&amp;nbsp;&lt;/div&gt;
Introduction - The symbolic landscape&lt;/div&gt;
1. Resistance and ritual, 1888-1896&lt;/div&gt;
2. Popular art and rituals&lt;/div&gt;
3. Community celebrations and communal strikes, 1902&lt;/div&gt;
4. Women out of control&lt;/div&gt;
5. Female consciousness and community struggle, 1910-1918&lt;/div&gt;
6. Democratic promises in 1917&lt;/div&gt;
7. Urban disorder and cultural resistance, 1919-1930&lt;/div&gt;
8. Cultural reactions to the Spanish Republic and the Civil War in Barcelona&lt;/div&gt;
Epilogue - Cultural resistance in the aftermath&lt;/div&gt;
&amp;nbsp;&lt;/div&gt;
&lt;b&gt;Temma Kaplan &lt;/b&gt;is Professor of History at Rutgers School of Arts and Sciences.&lt;/div&gt;
&amp;nbsp;&lt;/div&gt;
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                <text>&lt;div&gt;&lt;b&gt;Abstract from the publisher:&lt;/b&gt;&lt;/div&gt; &amp;nbsp;&lt;/div&gt; Urban agriculture is an increasingly popular practice in cities worldwide, and a sustainable future for it is critical, especially for the urban poor of the developing world. This book presents the first findings of original field research projects funded by IDRC&amp;rsquo;s AGROPOLIS International Graduate Research Awards on Urban Agriculture. Countries studied include Argentina, Botswana, C&amp;ocirc;te d&amp;rsquo;Ivoire, Cuba, France, Togo, Tunisia, the UK, and Zimbabwe. Together, these studies examine concrete strategies to better integrate &amp;ldquo;city farming&amp;rdquo; into the urban landscape.&lt;/div&gt; &amp;nbsp;&lt;/div&gt; &lt;b&gt;Contents:&lt;/b&gt;&lt;/div&gt; &amp;nbsp;&lt;/div&gt; Luc J. A. Mougeot - Introduction&lt;/div&gt; Bruce Frayne - Survival of the poorest: Migration and food security in Namibia&lt;/div&gt; Komla Tallaki - The pest-control system in the market gardens of Lom&amp;eacute;, Togo&lt;/div&gt; Mody Bakar Barry - Determinants of urban livestock adoption in the 'zone dense' of Khorogo, C&amp;ocirc;te d'Ivoire: A Tobit approach&lt;/div&gt; Stephanie Gabel - Exploring the gender dimensions of urban open-space cultivation in Harare, Zimbabwe&lt;/div&gt; Alice Hovorka - Gender, commercial urban agriculture and urban food supply in greater Gaborone, Botswana&lt;/div&gt; Adriana Premat - Moving between the plan and the ground: Shifting perspectives on urban agriculture in Havana, Cuba&lt;/div&gt; Moez Bouraoui - Agri-urban development from a land-use planning perspective: The Saclay Plateau (France) and the Sijoumi Plain (Tunisia)&lt;/div&gt; Arturo Perez-Vasquez, Simon Anderson and Alan W. Rogers - Assessing benefits from allotments as a component of urban agriculture in England&lt;/div&gt; Luc J. A. Mougeot - Neglected issues on form and substance of research on urban agriculture&lt;br /&gt; &lt;br /&gt; &lt;b&gt;Luc J. A. Mougeot&lt;/b&gt; is Senior Program Specialist at the International Development Research Centre (IDRC), where he initiated the Cities Feeding People program initiative in 1997. &amp;#8203;&lt;/div&gt; &amp;nbsp;&lt;/div&gt; </text>
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S&amp;eacute;batien Gazeau</text>
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ARTfactories et Autre(s)pARTs

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                <text>&lt;div&gt;&lt;b&gt;Pr&amp;eacute;sentation par les &amp;eacute;diteurs :&lt;/b&gt;&lt;/div&gt;
&amp;nbsp;&lt;/div&gt;
Apr&amp;egrave;s plus d&amp;rsquo;un an d&amp;rsquo;&amp;eacute;criture et d&amp;rsquo;entretiens &amp;agrave; travers la France nous sommes heureux de vous pr&amp;eacute;senter l&amp;rsquo;ouvrage d&amp;eacute;di&amp;eacute; aux projets participatifs dans les quartiers populaires.&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
Les processus artistiques participatifs ont le vent en poupe, notamment dans les quartiers relevant de la politique de la ville. Sur quoi repose cet engouement ? Comment ces projets prennent-ils part &amp;agrave; la transformation des villes ? Quelles mani&amp;egrave;res de vivre ensemble mettent-ils en lumi&amp;egrave;re et, parfois, renouvellent-ils ?&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
En s&amp;rsquo;appuyant sur le t&amp;eacute;moignage d&amp;rsquo;une vingtaine de personnes engag&amp;eacute;es sur ce terrain (artistes, acteurs associatifs et institutionnels, chercheurs, citoyens etc.), cet ouvrage interroge les rapprochements f&amp;eacute;conds &amp;ndash; et n&amp;eacute;cessaires &amp;ndash; qui existent entre la culture et la politique de la ville. Cette publication permet de valoriser des exp&amp;eacute;riences culturelles et artistiques qui impliquent, dans leur processus, des habitants et qui, &amp;agrave; ce titre, jouent un r&amp;ocirc;le important dans le d&amp;eacute;veloppement (social) des quartiers relevant de la politique de la ville (PV). Afin de montrer la dimension partenariale et transversale de ces exp&amp;eacute;riences, il s&amp;rsquo;agira, apr&amp;egrave;s une premi&amp;egrave;re partie historique et critique, de donner la parole &amp;agrave; un ensemble de personnes qui prennent part &amp;agrave; la mise en &amp;oelig;uvre de ces exp&amp;eacute;riences. &amp;Agrave; travers ces t&amp;eacute;moignages, on trouvera un certain nombre de pistes de r&amp;eacute;flexions ou de pr&amp;eacute;conisations adress&amp;eacute;es aux acteurs de la Politique de la Ville. Lire la suite&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;b&gt;&amp;Eacute;criture :&lt;/b&gt; S&amp;eacute;bastien Gazeau&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;b&gt;Coordination :&lt;/b&gt; &lt;a href="http://www.artfactories.net/" target="_blank"&gt;ARTfactories/Autre(s)pARTs&lt;/a&gt;&lt;br /&gt;
&lt;a href="mailto:communication@artfactories.net"&gt;Version papier disponible gratuitement sur demande&lt;/a&gt;&lt;/div&gt;
&amp;nbsp;&lt;/div&gt;
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                <text>&lt;div&gt;&lt;b&gt;Extract from the Introduction:&lt;/b&gt;&lt;/div&gt; &amp;nbsp;&lt;/div&gt; The poor were always with the English. Poverty had been of broad social concern since the Elizabethan period at least: the topic of ongoing debate, periodic legislation, sporadic philanthropy. But the London poor of the nineteenth century - particularly from the 1840s on - seemed to present a different phenomenon. The spectacle of poverty and associated degradation in Central and East London, and later in South London, gave rise to a new set of imaginative and cultural representations. It developed from and in turn created new relationships between an ascending urban middle class and the worst victims of the metropolis. Poverty became, as Gertrude Himmelfarb notes, &amp;quot;a cultural rather than an economic condition&amp;quot; (&lt;i&gt;Idea of Poverty &lt;/i&gt;366). The character of the London poor broke into the public consciousness as if it were a &lt;i&gt;discovery&lt;/i&gt;, which was &amp;quot;at once painful and alarming&amp;quot; in the words of one observer, and the &amp;quot;sense of novelty did not seem to disappear till the 1890's&amp;quot; (&lt;i&gt;Victorian City &lt;/i&gt;1:18). New terms, such as &amp;quot;slum,&amp;quot; entered the vocabulary, and from the Victorian period on, almost as one conceived of the big city, one conceived at the same time of a festering, teeming, sullen nether world within it. The state of London's poor came to exercise a strong imagistic influence, shaping the discourses of journalism, social work, government activity, and high culture.&lt;/div&gt; &amp;nbsp;&lt;/div&gt; The late &lt;b&gt;Roger B. Henkle &lt;/b&gt;was Professor of English and Modern Culture and Media at Brown University.&lt;/div&gt; &lt;b&gt;Daniel Bivona &lt;/b&gt;is Associate Professor of English at Arizona State University.&lt;/div&gt; &amp;nbsp;&lt;/div&gt; </text>
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